OFFICIAL AND OTHER PAPERS 



OF THE LATE 



MAJOR-GENERAL ALEXANDER HAMILTON: 



COMPILED CHIEFLY FROM THE ORIGINALS IN THE 
POSSESSION OF MRS. HAMILTON. 



VOL. I 



NEW- YORK AND LONDON: 
WILEY & PUTNAM, 

1 842. 






Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1842, by 

MRS. ELIZABETH HAMILTON, 

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Southern District of 
New-York. 



Printed at St. Thomas' Hall Press, Flushing, by C. R. Lincoln. 



6 5^6 3 



PREFACE. 



The " Papers" in thlss volume, were, with many others, confided 
to tl e subscriber, by Mrs. Hamilton, for the purpose of publica- 
tion. It is of little moment to the public, to know all the circum- 
stances that induced the Editor to undertake the task. Suffice it 
to say, that his labour is but the fulfilment of a solemn promise, 
made at the request of the aged and much respected proprietor of 
the original documents, when she was supposed to be upon the 
bed of death. Under the circumstances, the subscriber did not 
feel at liberty to refuse his assent to her earnest entreaty ; accom- 
panied, as it was, by the assurance, that his compliance would be 
agreeable to all the immediate descendants of General Hamilton. ' 
He was the more willing, also, to embark in the work, from his 
knowledge of the fact, that the papers had been, at different pe- 
riods, confided to several distinguished individuals for publication ; 
and that one and another untoward event had, in every instance, 
defeated the purpose. When, therefore, the Editor found that, 
with the assent of the family, he could at least attempt the work, 
he felt that, in some degree, it was a debt due to his country, to 
perpetuate the writings of a man, of whom it may be said, with- 
out disparagement of others, that he was second to but one in 
services rendered to the Republic. 

The task of the Editor has been little more than that of com- 
pilation : he has but arranged the papers in chronological order, 
with the occasional addition of a brief note. The life of General 
Hamilton, by his son,* rendered a biographical sketch unnecessa- 

*J. C. Hamilton, Esquire. 



IV PREFACE. 

ry. To that interesting contribution to the stores of American 
history, these " Papers " may, in fact, be deemed an Appendix. 
They will be found to illustrate the careful research, and prove 
the accuracy, of the Biographer. 

The Editor is indebted to the kindness of J. C Hamilton, Esq., 
for some few of the papers contained in this volume : the residue 
were in the collection of Mrs. Hamilton ; and some of them have 
never before been printed. 

The succeeding volumes, containing matter that increases in 
interest as we advance, will be published with as little delay as 
possible. 

F. L. HAWKS. 
May 1, 1842. 



PAPERS 



ALEXANDER HAMILTON, 



COMMERCIAL LIFE. 

"In the autumn of seventeen hundred and sixty-nine, he 
[Hamilton] was placed in the counting house of Mr. Nicholas 
Cruger, an opulent merchant, and most worthy man, then residing 
at Santa Cruz. 

" His aptitude in conforming himself to his situation was such, 
and his advancement so rapid in the confidence of his respected 
principal, that before he reached his fourteenth year he was left 
by Mr. Cruger, who made a visit to the American continent, at 
the head of his extensive establishment." — Life of Hamilton^ by 
his Son : p. 4 — 5, vol. 1 . 

We subjoin a few of the letters written during this period, as 
illustrative of the facility with which Mr. Hamilton's mind mastered 
any subject to which he chose to direct its powers. — [Editor.] 

1 



2 CORRESPONDENCE. [1769. 

TO EDWARD STEVENS.* 

St. Croix, Nov. 11, 1769. 

This serves to acknow^ledge the receipt of yours, 
per Capt. Lowndes, which was delivered me yester- 
day. The truth of Captains Lightbowen and 
Lowndes' information is now verified by the pre- 
sence of your father and sister, for whose safe 
arrival I pray, and that they may convey that 
satisfaction to your soul that must naturally flow 
from the sight of absent friends in health ; and shall, 
for news this way, refer you to them. As to what 
you say respe cting your soon having the happiness 
of seeing us all, I wish for an accomplishment of 
your hopes, provided they are concomitant with 
your welfare, otherwise not ; though doubt whether 
I shall be present or not, for to confess my weakness, 
Ned, my ambition is prevalent, so that I contemn the 
grovelling condition of a clerk or the like, to which 
my fortune condemns me, and would willingly 
risk my life, though not my character, to exalt my 
station. I am confident, Ned, that my youth ex- 
cludes m.e from any hopes of immediate preferment, 
nor do I desire it ; but I mean to prepare the way 
for futurity. I'm no philosopher, you see, and may 
be justly said to build castles in the air ; my folly 
makes me ashamed, and beg you'll conceal it ; 

• This letter was written by Hamilton before he had reached the age of 
thirteen. 



1771.] CORRESPONDENCE. 3 

yet, Neddy, we have seen such schemes successful 
when the projector is constant. I shall conclude 
by saying, I wish there was a war. 

P. S. I this moment received yours by William 
Smith, and am pleased to see you give such close 
application to study. 



TO NICHOLAS CRUGER. 

St. Croix, Oct. 31, 1771. 

Expecting that Capt. Codwise would have sailed 
two days ago, I had already wrote and delivered 
my letters to him, but the arrival of Capt. Lowndes 
furnishes me with something more to say. 

By him I received sundry letters ; one from Mr. 
Henry Cruger, and several from Henry Cruger, Jr., 
of Bristol, one from Mr. John Cruger, one from 
Mr. John Harris Cruger, which are all copies and 
have been answered, except one of the 24th of 
June. 

I now enclose it to you with an abstract of your 
last letter to him, which perhaps will be requisite 
in returning an answer. 

I also send you the owner's last letter now 
arrived, and a list of the bills ; all the protests for 
non-acceptance have come to hand. In Mr. John 
Harris Cruger's letter, he says that he will remit 
Mr. Tileman Cruger for his one-third part of the 



4 CORRESPONDENCE. [1771. 

sloop's first cargo of mules, and should depend upon 
your honor for the other two, being £400 in advance 
for you, exclusive of your part of the cargo out ; I, 
therefore, just enclose a little state of matters be- 
tween you, that you might be able more clearly to 
convince him of his mistake, there is nothing in the 
other letters that require or will even admit of an 
answer from me especially, as you will be on the 
spot : in fact their contents are of but little conse- 
quence. 



TO TILEMAN CRUGER, ESQ. 

St. Croix, Nov. 16, 1771. 

In behalf of Mr. Nicholas Cruger, (who, by reason 
of a very ill state of health, went from this to New 
York, the 15th ult.,) I have the pleasure to address 
you by the long expected sloop Thunderbolt, Capt. 
William Newton, owned by Messrs. Jacob Walton, 
John Harris, and Nicholas Cruger, the latter of 
whom has written you fully concerning her destina- 
tion, which I need not repeat. She has on board 
besides a parcel of lumber for yourself, sundry 
articles on account of her owners as per enclosed 
bill lading ; and, when you have disposed of them, 
you will please to credit each partner for one-third 
of the proceeds. 



1771.] CORRESPONDENCE. 5 

Mr. N. Cmger's proportion of this, and the balance 
of your account hitherto, will more than pay for his 
one-third cost of her first cargo up; and for the 
other two, 1 shall endeavor to place value in your 
hands betimes. I only wish for a Hne from you to 
know what will best answer. 

Reports here represent matters in a very disa- 
greeable light, with regard to the Guarda Costas, 
which are said to swarm upon the coast ; but as you 
will be the best judge of what danger there might 
be, all is submitted to your prudent direction. 

Capt. Newton must arm with you, as he could 
not so conveniently do it here. 

Give me leave to hint to you, that you cannot be 
too particular in your instructions to him. I think 
he seems to want experience in such voyages. 

Messrs. Walton and John H. Cruger are to furnish 
you themselves with their respective proportion of 
the cost of the several cargoes. 

The staves on board, if by any means convenient, 
I beg may be returned by the sloop, they will 
command a good price here, and I suppose little or 
nothing with you ; could they be got at I would not 
send them down, but they are stowed promiscuously 
among other things. 

If convenient, please to deliver the hogsheads, 
now containing the Indian meal, to the Captain as 
watercasks, and others should he want them. I sup- 



6 CORRESPONDENCE. [1771. 

plied him with twenty here. I must beg your i-efer- 
ence to Mr. Cruger's last letter of the 2d ult. for 
other particulars. 

Our crop will be very early, so that the utmost 
despatch is necessary to import three cargoes of 
mules in due time. 



TO CAPTAIN WILLIAM NEWTON. 

St. Croix, Nov. 16, 1771. 

Herewith I give you all your despatches, and 
desire you will proceed immediately to Curracoa. 
You are to deliver your cargo there to Tileman 
Cruger, Esq., agreeable to your bill of lading, 
whose directions you must follow in every respect 
concerning the disposal of your vessel after your 
arrival. 

You know it is intended that you shall go from 
thence to the main for a load of mules, and I must 
beg if you do, you'll be very choice in the quality 
of your mules, and bring as many as your vessel 
can conveniently contain — by all means take in a 
large supply of provender. Remember, you are to 
make three trips this season, and unless you are 
very diligent you will be too late, as our crops will 
be early in. Take care to avoid the Guarda Costas. 
I place an entire reliance upon the prudence of 
your conduct. 



1772.] CORRESPONDENCE. 7 

TO HENRY CRUGER, ESQ. 

St. Cftoix, Feb'y 24, 1772. 

The 9th ult., Capt. Robert Gibbs handed me 
your favor dated December 19th, 1771, covering 
invoice and bill lading for sundries, which are 
landed in good order agreeable thereto. I sold all 
your lumber off immediately at £16, lucky enough, 
the price of that article being now reduced to £12, 
as great quantities have been lately imported from 
different parts of the continent. Indeed there must 
be a vast consumption this crop, which makes it 
probable the price will again rise, unless the crop 
at windward should fall short, as is said to be the 
case, whereby we shall fail to be overstocked. The 
oats and cheese I have also sold, the former at 61 
cents per bushel, and the latter at 9 cents per lb. 
Your mahogany is of the very poorest kind, or I 
could have readily obtained 6d. per foot for it, but 
at present it is blown upon : ' tis fit only for end 
work. 

I enclose you a price current, and refer you there- 
to for other matters. 

Capt. Gibbs was ready to sail seven days after 
his arrival, but was detained two days longer by 
strong contrary winds, which made it impossible to 
get out of the harbor ; believe me, sir, nothing was 
neglected on my part to give him the utmost de- 
spatch, and considering that his cargo was stowed 



8 CORRESPONDENCE. [1772. 

very confusedly, the proceeding part of it rather 
uppermost, I think he was despatched as soon as 
could be expected. Enclosed you have invoice of 
rum and sugar shipped in the sloop agreeable to 
your orders : I could not by any means get your 
casks filled by any of the planters, but shall dispose 
of the hogsheads, out of which the rum was started, 
for your account, from which, however, will proceed 
a small loss. Also, you have account of sloop's port 
charges, and which I hope, and doubt not, you will 
find right. 

You'll be a little surprised when I tell you Capt. 
Gibbs was obliged to leave his freight money be- 
hind. The reason is this : Mr. B. would by no means 
raise his part ; ' tis true he might have been com- 
pelled by law, but that would have been altogether 
imprudent, for to have enforced payment and to 
have converted that payment into joes, which were 
extremely scarce, would have been attended with 
detention of at least ten or twelve days, and the 
other freights were very trifling, so that the whole 
now rests with me, and God knows when I shall 
be able to receive Mr. B's. part, who is long winded 
enough. Mr. B. begs to present his respects. 



1774.] POLITICAL LIFE. 



*" Within a short time after the adjournment of the first congress, 
^mong several publications, two tracts appeared more distin- 
guished than the rest, which were the joint productions of Doc- 
tor Seabury and Mr. Wilkins ; the latter of whom had recently 
occupied a prominent place in the deliberations of the New- 
York Assembly. The first bore the title of " Free thoughts on 
the proceedings of the Continental Congress :" the other was 
entitled, " Congress Canvassed, by a Westchester Farmer."* 
These publications were chiefly directed against the " non-im- 
portation, non-consumption, and non-exportation agreements," 
which had been recommended by the congress. * * * * 

" The wide, industrious, and gratuitous circulation of these 
pamphlets, inducing the belief that they had the sanction of the 
government, they soon became the text book of the Tories, and 
were applauded by them as containing irrefutable arguments 
against the measures of the " sons of liberty." * * * * 

" Within a fortnight after the second tract had issued from 
the press,! a pamphlet appeared under the title of " A Full 
Vindication of the Measures of Congress from the Calumnies of 
their Enemies, in answer to a Letter under the signature of A 
W. Farmer ; whereby his sophistry is exposed, his cavils confu- 
ted, his artifices detected, and his wit ridiculed, in a General Ad- 
dress to the Inhabitants of America, and a Particular Address to 
the Farmers of the Province of New- York. Veritas magna est et 
prcBvalebit- — Truth is powerful, and will prevail. New-York : 
Printed by James Rivington : 1774." ^^—^Life of Hamilton, by his 
Son: p. 26—28, vol. 1. 

* Novsmber 24, ITTJ; f December 15; 1774. 
VOL. I. 2 



10 A FULL VINDICATION 

Friends and Countrymen. — It was hardly to be 
expected that any man could be so presumptuous, 
as openly to controvert the equity, wisdom, and 
authority of the measures adopted by the congress: 
an assembly truly respectable on every account! 
Whether we consider the characters of the men 
who composed it ; the number and dignity of their 
constituents; or the important ends for which they 
were appointed. But, however improbable such a 
degree of presumption might have seemed, we find 
there are some, in whom it exists. Attempts are 
daily making to diminish the influence of their de- 
cisions, and prevent the salutary effects intended 
by them. The impotence of such insidious efforts 
is evident from the general indignation they are 
treated with ; so that no material ill-consequences 
can be dreaded from them. But lest they should 
have a tendency to mislead, and prejudice the minds 
of a few, it cannot be deemed altogether useless 
to bestow some notice upon them. 

And first, let me ask these restless spirits. Whence 
arises that violent antipathy they seem to entertain, 
not only to the natural rights of mankind, but to 
common sense and common modesty ? That they 
are enemies to the natural rights of mankind is 
manifest, because they wish to see one part of their 
species enslaved by another. That they haA^e an 
invincible aversion to common sense, is apparent in 
many respects : They endeavor to persuade us, that 



OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 11 

the absolute sovereignty of parliament does not 
imply our absolute slavery ; that it is a Christian 
duty to submit to be plundered of all we have, 
merely because some of our fellow subjects are 
wicked enough to require it of us; that slavery, so 
far from being a great evil, is a great blessing ; and 
even, that our contest with Britain is founded en- 
tirely upon the petty duty of three pence per pound 
on East India tea ; whereas the whole world knows, 
it is built upon this interesting question. Whether the 
inhabitants of Great Britain have a right to dispose 
of the lives and properties of the inhabitants of 
America, or not ? And lastly, that these men have 
discarded all pretension to common modesty, is clear 
from hence ; first, because they, in the plainest terms, 
call an august body of men, famed for their patriot- 
ism and abilities, fools or knaves ; and of course the 
people whom they represented, cannot be exempt 
from the same opprobious appellations ; and second- 
ly, because they set themselves up as standards of 
wisdom and probity, by contradicting and censuring 
the public voice in favor of those men. 

A little consideration will convince us, that the 
congress, instead of having *' ignorantly misunder- 
stood, carelessly neglected, or basely betrayed the 
interests of the colonies," have, on the contrary, de- 
vised and recommended the only effectual means to 
secure the freedom, and establish the future prosperi- 
ty of America upon a solid basis. If we are not free 



12 A FULL VINDICATION 

and happy hereafter, it must proceed from the want of 
integrity and resolution, in executing what they have 
concerted ; not from the temerity or impolicy of 
their determinations. 

Before I proceed to confirm this assertion by the 
most obvious arguments, I will premise a few brief 
remarks. The only distinction between freedom 
and slavery consists in this : In the former state, a 
man is governed by the laws to which he has given 
his consent, either in person, or by his representa- 
tive : In the latter, he is governed by the will of 
another. In the one case, his life and property are 
his own : in the other, they depend upon the plea- 
sure of a master. It is easy to discern which of 
these two states is preferable. No man in his senses 
can hesitate in choosing to be free, rather than a 
slave. 

That Americans are entitled to freedom is incon- 
testable upon every rational principle. All men 
have one common original : they participate in one 
common nature, and consequently have one com- 
mon right. No reason can be assigned why one 
man should exercise any power or pre-eminence 
over his fellow creatures more than another ; unless 
they have voluntarily vested him with it. Since, 
then, Americans have not, by any act of their's, 
empowered the British Parliament to make laws 
for them, it follows they can have no just authority 
to do it, 



OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. IS 

Besides the clear voice of natural justice in this 
respect, the fundamental principles of the English 
constitution are in our favor. It has iDeen repeated- 
ly demonstrated, that the idea of legislation, or taxa- 
tion, when the subject is not represented, is incon- 
sistent with that. Nor is this all ; our charters, the 
express conditions on which our progenitors re- 
linquished their native countries, and came to settle 
in this, preclude every claim of ruling and taxing 
us without our assent. 

Every subterfuge that sophistry has been able to 
invent, to evade or obscure this truth, has been re- 
futed by the most conclusiv^e reasonings ; so that 
w^e may pronounce it a matter of undeniable cer- 
tainty, that the pretensions of Parliament are con- 
tradictory to the law of nature, subversive of the 
British constitution, and destructive of the faith of 
the most solemn compacts. 

What, then, is the subject of our controversy with 
the mother country ? It is this : Whether we shall 
preserve that security to our lives and properties, 
which the law of nature, the genius of the British 
constitution, and our charters, afford us ; or whether 
w^e shall resign them into the hands of the British 
House of Commons, which is no more privileged to 
dispose of them than the Great Mogul ? What 
can actuate those men, who labor to delude any of 
us into an opinion, that the object of contention be-, 
tween the parent state and the colonies, is only three 



14 A FTLL VINDICATION 

pence duty upon tea ? or that the commotions in 
America originate in a plan, formed by some tur- 
bulent men, to erect it into a republican government ? 
The parliament claims a right to tax us in all cases 
whatsoever : its late acts are in virtue of that claim. 
How ridiculous, then, is it to affirm, that we are 
quarrelling for the trifling sum of three pence a 
pound on tea; when it is evidently the principle 
against which we contend. 

The design of electing members to represent us in 
general congress, was, that the wisdom of Ameri- 
ca might be collected in devising the most proper 
and expedient means to repel this atrocious inva- 
sion of our rights. It has been accordingly done. 
Their decrees are binding upon all, and demand a 
religious observance. 

We did not, especially in this province, circum- 
scribe them by any fixed boundary; and therefore, 
as they cannot be said to have exceeded the limits 
of their authority, their act must be esteemed the 
act of their constituents. If it should be objected, 
that they have not answered the end of their elec- 
tion, but have fallen upon an improper and ruinous 
mode of proceeding : I reply by asking. Who shall 
be the judge ? Shall any individual oppose his 
private sentiment to the united counsels of men, 
in whom America has reposed so high a confidence ? 
The attempt must argue no small degree of arrogance 
and self-sufficiency. 



OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 15 

Yet this attempt has been made : and it is be- 
come, in some measure, necessary to vindicate the 
conduct of this venerable assembly from the asper- 
sions of m.en, who are their adversaries, only be- 
cause they are foes to America. 

When the political salvation of any community 
is depending, it is incumbent upon those who are 
set up as its guardians, to embrace such measures, 
as have justice, vigor, and a probability of success 
to recommend them : If, instead of this, they take 
those methods which are in themselves feeble, and 
little likely to succeed ; and may, through a defect 
in vigor, involve the community in still greater dan- 
ger ; they may be justly considered as its betrayers. 
It is not enough, in times of imminent peril, to use 
only possible means of preservation : Justice and 
sound policy dictate the use of probable means. 

The only scheme of opposition, suggested by 
those, who have been, and are, averse from a non- 
importation and non-exportdtion agreement, is, by 
REMONSTRANCE and PETITION. The authors and 
abettors of this scheme, have never been able to 
invent a single argument to prove the likelihood of 
its succeeding. On the other hand, there are many 
standing facts, and valid considerations, against it. 

In the infancy of the present dispute, we had re- 
course to this method only. We addressed the 
throne in the most loyal and respectful manner, in 
a legislative capacity ; but wiiat was the conse- 



16 A FULL VINDICATION 

quence ? Our address was treated with contempt 
and neglect. The first American congress did the 
same, and met with similar treatment. The total 
repeal of the stamp act, and the partial repeal of 
the revenue acts, took place, not because the com- 
plaints of America w^ere deemed just and reasona- 
ble ; but because these acts were found to militate 
against the commercial interests of Great Britain : 
This was the declared motive of the repeal. 

These instances are sufficient for our purpose : 
but they derive greater validity and force from the 
following : 

The legal assembly of Massachusetts Bay, pre- 
sented, not long since, a most humble, dutiful, and 
earnest petition to his Majesty, requesting the dis- 
mission of a governor, highly odious to the people, 
and whose misrepresentations they regarded as one 
chief source of all their calamities. Did they suc- 
ceed in their request ? No — it was treated with 
the greatest indignity, and stigmatized as " a se- 
ditious, vexatious, and scandalous libel." 

I know the men I have to deal with, will acquiesce 
in this stigma. Will they also dare to calumniate 
the noble and spirited petition that came from the 
Mayor and Aldermen of the city of London ? Will 
they venture to justify that unparalleled stride 
of power, by w hich popery and arbitrary dominion 
were established in Canada ? The citizens of Lon* 
don remonstrated against it; they signified its re- 



OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 17 

pugnaiicy to the principles of the revohition ; but, 
like ours, their complaints were unattended to. 
From thence we may learn how little dependence 
ought to be placed on this method of obtaining the 
redress of grievances. 

There is less reason now than ever to expect de- 
liverance, in this way, from the hand of oppression. 
The system of slavery, fabricated against America, 
cannot, at this time, be considered as the effect of 
inconsideration and rashness. It is the offspring of 
mature deliberation. It has been fostered by time, 
and strengthened by every artifice human subtilty 
is capable of After the claims of parliament had 
lain dormant for awhile, they are again resumed 
and prosecuted with more than commmi ardor. 
The Premier has advanced too far to recede with 
safety : He is deeply interested to execute his pur- 
pose, if possible : we know he has declared, that he 
will never desist, till he has brought America to his 
feet : and we may conclude, nothing but necessity 
will induce him to abandon his aims. In common 
life, to retract an error, even in the beginning, is no 
easy task ; perseverance confirms us in it, and 
rivets the difficulty : but in a public station, to have 
been in an error, and to have persisted in it, when it 
is detected, ruins both reputation and fijrtune. To 
this we may add, that disappointment and opposi- 
tion inflame the minds of men, and attach them, 
still more, to their mistakes. 

VOL. I. 3 



18 A FULL VINDICATION 

What can we represent which has not already 
been represented ? What petitions can we offer, 
that have not already been offered ? The rights of 
America, and the injustice of parliamentary pre- 
tensions, have been clearly and repeatedly stated, 
both in and out of parliament. No new arguments 
can be framed to operate in our favor. Should we 
even resolve the errors of the ministry and parlia- 
ment into the fallibility of human understanding, 
if they have not yet been convinced, we have no 
prospect of being able to do it by anything further 
we can say. But if we impute their conduct to a 
wicked thirst of domination and disregard to jus- 
tice, we have no hope of prevailing with them to 
alter it, by expatiating on our rights, and suing to 
their compassion for relief; especially since we have 
found, by various experiments, the inefficacy of such 
methods. Upon the whole, it is morally certain, 
this mode of opposition would be fruitless and de- 
fective. The exigency of the times requires vigor- 
ous and probable remedies ; not weak and improba- 
ble. It would, therefore, be the extreme of folly 
to place any confidence in, much less confine our- 
selves wholly to it. 

This being the case, we can have no resource but 
in a restriction of our trade, or in a resistance vi et 
armis. It is impossible to conceive any other alter- 
native. Our congress, therefore, have imposed 
what restraint they thought necessary. Those who 



OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 19 

condemn or clamor against it, do nothing more, nor 
less, than advise us to be slaves. 

I shall now examine the principal measures of 
the congress, and vindicate them fully from the 
charge of injustice or impolicy. 

Were I to argue in a philosophical manner, I 
might say, the obligation to a mutual intercourse, 
in the v^ay of trade, with the inhabitants of Great 
Britain, Ireland, and the West Indies, is of the im- 
perfect kind. There is no law, either of nature, 
or of the civil society in which we live, that obliges 
us to purchase, and make use of the products and 
manufactures of a different land, or people. It is 
indeed a dictate of humanity to contribute to the 
support and happiness of our fellow-creatures, and 
more especially those who are allied to us by the 
ties of blood, interest, and mutual protection : but 
humanity does not require us to sacrifice our own 
security and welfare to the convenience or advan- 
tage of others. Self preservation is the first prin- 
ciple of our nature. When our lives and proper- 
ties are at stake, it would be foolish and unnatural 
to refrain from such measures as might preserve 
them, because they would be detrimental to others. 

But we are justified upon another principle be- 
sides this. Though the manufacturers of Great 
Britain and Ireland, and the inhabitants of the West 
Indies, are not chargeable with any actual crime 
towards America; they may, in apolitical view, be 



20 A FULL VINDICATION 

esteemed criminal. In a civil society, it is the du- 
ty of each particular branch to promote, not only 
the good of the whole community, but the good of 
every other particular branch : if one part endea- 
vors to violate the rights of another, the rest ought 
to assist in preventing the injury. When they do 
not, but remain neutral, they are deficient in their 
duty, and may be regarded, in some measure, as 
accomplices. 

The reason of this is obvious, from the design of 
civil society ; which is, that the united strength of 
the several members might give stability and se- 
curity to the whole body, and each respective mem- 
ber ; so that one part cannot encroach upon another, 
without becoming a common enemy, and eventually 
endangering the safety and happiness of all the 
other parts. 

Since, then, the persons who will be distressed 
by the methods we are using for our own protec- 
tion, have, by their neutrality, first committed a 
breach of an obligation, similar to that which bound 
us to consult their emolument ; it is plain, the obli- 
gation upon us is annulled, and we are blameless in 
what we are about to do. 

With respect to the manufacturers of Great 
Britain, they are criminal in a more particular sense. 
Our oppression arises from that member of the great 
body politic, of which they compose a considerable 
part. So far as their influence has been wanting 



OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 21 

to counteract the iniquity of their rulers, so far 
they acquiesced in it, and are to he deemed con- 
federates in their guilt. It is impossible to excul- 
pate a people, that suffers its rulers to abuse and 
tyrannise over others. 

It may not be amiss to add, that we are ready to 
receive with open arms, any who may be sufferers 
by the operation of our measures, and recompense 
them with every blessing our country affords to 
honest industry. We will receive them as breth- 
ren, and make them sharers with us in all the ad- 
vantages we are struggling for. 

From these plain and indisputable principles, the 
mode of opposition we have chosen, is reconcileable 
to the strictest maxims of justice. It remains now 
to be examined, whether it has also the sanction 
of good policy. 

To render it agreeable to good policy, three 
things are requisite. First, that the necessity of 
the times requires it : secondly, that it be not the 
probable source of greater evils than those it pre- 
tends to remedy : and lastly, that it have a proba- 
bility of success. 

That the necessity of the times demands it, needs 
but little elucidation. We are threatened with 
absolute slavery : it has been proved, that resistance 
by means of re3ionstrance and petition, would 
not be efhcacious, and of course, that a restriction 
on our trade, is the only peaceable method, in our 



22 A FULL VINDICATION 

power, to avoid the impending mischief: it follows, 
therefore, that such a restriction is necessary. 

That it is not the probable source of greater evils 
than those it pretends to remedy, may easily be de- 
termined. The most abject slavery, which com- 
prehends almost every species of human misery, is 
what it is designed to prevent. 

The consequences of the means are a temporary 
stagnation of commerce, and thereby a deprivation 
of the luxuries, and some of the conveniencies, of 
life. The necessaries, and many of the conve- 
niencies, our own fertile and propitious soil affords 
us. 

No person that has enjoyed the sweets of liberty, 
can be insensible of its infinite value, or can reflect 
on its reverse, without horror and detestation. No 
person that is not lost to every generous feeling of 
humanity, or that is not stupidly blind to his own 
interest, could bear to offer himself and posterity 
as victims at the shrine of despotism, in preference 
to enduring the short-lived inconveniences that 
may result from an abridgment, or even entire sus- 
pension, of commerce. 

Were not the disadvantages of slavery too obvious 
to stand in need of it, I might enumerate and de- 
scribe the tedious train of calamities inseparable 
from it. I might show that it is fatal to religion and 
morality ; that it tends to debase the mind, and 
corrupt its noblest springs of action. I might show 



OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 23 

that it relaxes the sinews of industry, clips the 
wings of commerce, and introduces misery and in- 
digence in every shape. 

Under the auspices of tyranny, the life of the 
subject is often sported with ; and the fruits of his 
daily toil are consumed in oppressive taxes, that 
serve to gratify the ambition, avarice, and lusts of 
his superiors. Every court minion riots in the 
spoils of the honest laborer, and despises the hand 
by which he is fed. The page of history is re- 
plete with instances that loudly warn us to beware 
of slavery. 

Rome was the nurse of freedom. She was cele- 
brated for her justice and lenity ; but in what man- 
ner did she govern her dependent provinces ? They 
were made the continual scene of rapine and cruel- 
ty. From thence let us learn, how little confidence 
is due to the wisdom and equity of the most ex- 
emplary nations. 

Should Americans submit to become the vassals 
of their fellow subjects in Great Britain, their yoke 
will be peculiarly grievous and intolerable. A vast 
majority of mankind is entirely biassed by motives 
of self-interest. Most men are glad to remove any 
burthens off themselves, and place them upon the 
necks of their neighbors. We cannot, therefore, 
doubt, but that the British Parliament, with a view 
to the ease and advantage of itself, and its con- 
stituents, would oppress and grind the Americans 



24 A FULL VINDICATION 

as much as possible. Jealousy would concur with 
selfishness ; and for fear of the future independence 
of America, if it should be permitted to rise to too 
great a height of splendor and opulence, every 
method would be taken to drain it of its wealth, 
and restrain its prosperity. We are already sus- 
pected of aiming at independence, and that is one 
principal cause of the severity we experience. The 
same cause will always operate against us, and pro- 
duce a uniform severity of treatment. 

The evils which may flow from the execution of 
our measures, if we consider them with respect to 
their extent and duration, are comparatively nothing. 
In all human probability they will scarcely be felt. 
Reason and experience teach us, that the conse- 
quences would be too fatal to Great Britain to ad- 
mit of delay. There is an immense trade between 
her and the colonies. The revenues arising from 
thence are prodigious. The consumption of her 
manufactures in these colonies, supplies the means 
of subsistence to a vast number of her most useful 
inhabitants. The experiment we have made here- 
tofore, shows us of how much importance our com- 
mercial connexion is to her ; and gives us the high- 
est assurance of obtaining immediate redress by 
suspending it. 

From these considerations it is evident, she must 
do something decisive. She must either listen to 
our complaints, and restore us to a peaceful enjoy- 



OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 25 

ment of our violated rights ; or she must exert her- 
self to enforce her despotic claims by fire and sword. 
To imagine she would prefer the latter, implies a 
charge of the grossest infatuation, of madness itself. 
Qur numbers are very considerable : the courage 
of Americans has been tried and proved. Contests 
for liberty have ever been found the most bloody, 
implacable, and obstinate. The disciplined troops 
Great Britain could send against us, would be but 
few. Our superiority in number, would overbalance 
our inferiority in discipline. It would be a hard, if 
not an impracticable, task, to subjugate us by force. 

Besides, while Great Britain was engaged in car- 
rying on an unnatural war against us, her commerce 
would be in a state of decay. Her revenues would 
be decreasing. An armament, sufficient to enslave 
America, would put her to an insupportable ex- 
pense. 

She would be laid open to the attacks of foreign 
enemies. Ruin, like a deluge, would pour in from 
every quarter. After lavishing lier blood and trea- 
sure, to reduce us to a state of vassalage, she would 
herself become a prey to some triumphant neigh- 
bor. 

These are not imaginary mischiefs. The colonies 
contain above three millions of people. Commerce 
flourishes with the most rapid progress throughout 
them. This commerce. Great Britain has hitherto 
regulated to her own advantage. Can we think 

VOL. I. 4 



26 A FULL VINDICATIOX 

the annihilation of so exuberant a source of wealth, 
a matter of trifling import? On the contrary, must 
it not be productive of the most disastrous effects ? 
It is evident it must. It is equally evident, that 
the conquest of so numerous a people, armed in the 
animating cause of liberty, could not be accom- 
plished without an inconceivable expense of blood 
and treasure. 

We cannot, therefore, suspect Great Britain to 
be capable of such frantic extravagance as to hazard 
these dreadful consequences ; without which, she 
must necessarily desist from her unjust pretensions, 
and leave us in the undisturbed possession of our 
privileges. 

Those, who affect to ridicule the resistance Ameri- 
ca might make to the military force of Great Britain, 
and represent its humiliation as a matter the most 
easily to be achieved, betray, either a mind clouded 
by the most irrational prejudices, or a total ignorance 
of human nature. However, it must be the wish 
of every honest man never to see a trial. 

But should we admit a possibility of a third course, 
as our pamphleteer supposes; that is, the endeavoring 
to bring us to a compliance by putting a stop to our 
w hole trade : even this would not be so terrible as 
he pretends. We can live without trade of any 
kind. Food and clothing we have within ourselves. 
Our climate produces cotton, wool, flax, and hemp ; 
which, with proper cultivation, would furnish us with 



OP THE MEASURES OP THE CONGRESS, ETC. 2? 

summer apparel in abundance. The article of cot- 
ton, indeed, would do more ; it would contribute to 
defend us from the inclemency of winter. We 
have sheep, which, with due care in improving and 
increasing them, would soon yield a sufficiency of 
wool. The large quantity of skins we have among 
us, would never let us want a warm and comforta- 
ble suit. It would be no unbecoming employment 
for our daughters, to provide silks of their own 
country. The silk-worm answers as well here as 
in any part of the world. Those hands, which may 
be deprived of business by the cessation of com- 
merce, may be occupied in various kinds of manu- 
factures, and other internal improvements. If, by 
the necessity of the thing, manufactures should once 
be establislied, and take root among us, they will 
pave the way, still more, to the future grandeur and 
glory of America ; and, by lessening its need of ex- 
ternal commerce, will render it still securer against 
the encroachments of tyranny. 

It is, however, chimerical to imagine, that the 
circumstances of Great Britain will admit of such 
a tardy method of subjugating us, for reasons which 
have been already given, and vvhich shall be cor- 
roborated by others equally forcible. 

I come now to consider the last and principal in- 
gredient that constitutes the policy of a measure, 
which is, a probability of success. I have been 
obliged toanticipat3 this pi.rl of my subject in con- 
sidering the second requisite ; and, indeed, what I 



28 A FULL VINDICATION 

have already said, seems to me to leave no room 
for doubting, that the means we have used will be 
successful : but I shall here examine the matter more 
thoroughly, and endeavor to evince it more fully. 

The design of the Congress in their proceedings, 
it cannot, and need not, be denied, was, either, by 
a prospect of the evil consequences, to influence 
the ministry to give up their enterprise ; or, should 
they prove inflexible, to affect the inhabitants of 
Great Britain, Ireland, and the West Indies, in such 
a manner, as to rouse them from their state of neu- 
trality, and engage them to unite with us in oppo- 
sing the lawless hand of tyranny, which is extended 
to ravish our liberty from us, and might soon be ex- 
tended for the same purpose against them. 

The Farmer mentions, as one probable conse- 
quence of our measures, " clamors, discord, confu- 
sion, mobs, riots, insurrections, rebellions in Great 
Britain, Ireland, and the West Indies;" though at 
the same time that he thinks it is, he also thinks it 
is not, a probable consequence. For my part, with- 
out hazarding any such seeming contradictions, I 
shall, in a plain way, assert, that I verily believe, 
a non-importation and non-exportation, will effect 
all the purposes they are intended for. 

It is no easy matter to make any tolerably exact 
estimate of the advantages that accrue to Great 
Britain, Ireland, and the West Indies, from their 
commercial intercourse with the colonies ; nor, in- 
deed, is it necessary. Every man, the least ac- 



OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 29 

quainted with the state and extent of our trade, 
must be convinced, it is the source of immense 
revenues to the parent state, and gives employment 
and bread to a vast number of his Majesty's subjects. 
It is impossible but that a suspension of it, for any 
time, must introduce beggary and wretchedness, in 
an eminent degree, both in England and Ireland. 
And as to the West India plantations, they could 
not possibly subsist without us. I am the more 
confident of this, because I have a pretty general 
acquaintance with their circumstances and depen* 
dencies. 

We are told, " that it is highly improbable, we 
shall succeed in distressing the people of Great 
Britain, Ireland, and the West Indies, so far as to 
oblige them to join with us in getting the acts of 
Parliament, which we complain of, repealed. The 
first distress," it is said, "will fall on ourselves: it will 
be more severely felt by us, than any part of all 
his Majesty's dominions, and will affect us the 
longest. The fleets of Great Britain, command 
respect throughout the globe. Her influence ex- 
tends to every part of the earth. Her manufactures 
are equal to any, superior to most in the world. 
Her wealth is great. Her people, enterprising and 
persevering in their attempts to extend, and enlarge, 
and protect, her trade. The total loss of our trade 
will be felt only for a time. Her merchants would 
turn their attention another way : new sources of 



30 A FULL VINDICATION 

trade and wealth would be opened : new schemes 
pursued. She would soon find a vent for all her 
manufactures in spite of all we could do. Our 
malice would hurt only ourselves. Should our 
schemes distress some branches of her trade, it 
would be only for a time : and there is ability and 
humanity enough in the nation, to relieve those 
that are distressed by us, and put them in some 
other way of getting their living." 

The omnipotence and all-sufficiency of Great 
Britain, maybe pretty good topics for her passionate 
admirers to exercise their declamatory powers upon, 
for amusement and trial of skill ; but they ought 
not to be proposed to the world as matters of truth 
and reality. In the calm, unprejudiced eye of 
reason, they are altogether visionary. As to her 
wealth, it is notorious that she is oppressed with a 
heavy national debt, which it requires the utmost 
policy and economy ever to discharge. Luxury 
has arrived to a great pitch ; and it is a universal 
maxim, that luxury indicates the declension of a 
state. Her subjects are loaded with the most enor- 
mous taxes. All circumstances agree in declaring 
their distress. The continual emigrations from 
Great Britain and Ireland to the continent, are a 
glaring symptom that those kingdoms are a good 
deal impoverished. 

The attention of Great Britain has hitherto been 
constantly awake to expand her commerce. She 



OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESs/eTC. 31 

has been vigilant to explore every region, with 
which it might be her interest to trade. One of 
the principal branches of her commerce, is with the 
colonies. These colonies, as they are now settled 
and peopled, have been the work of near two cen- 
turies. They are blessed with every advantage of 
soil, climate, and situation. They have advanced 
with an almost incredible rapidity. It is, therefore, 
an egregious piece of absurdity to affirm, that the 
loss of our trade would be felt for a time (which 
must signify a short time). No new schemes could 
be pursued that Avould not require, at least, as much 
time to repair the loss of our trade, as was spent in 
bringing it to its present degree of perfection, which 
is near two centuries. Nor can it be reasonably 
imagined, that the total and sudden loss of so ex- 
tensive and lucrative a branch, would not produce 
the most violent eflfects to a nation that subsists 
entirely upon its commerce. 

It is said, " There is ability and humanity enough 
in the nation, to relieve those that are distressed 
by us, and to put them into some other way of 
getting their living." I wish the gentleman had 
obliged his readers so much as to have pointed out 
this other way. I must confess, I have racked my 
brains to no purpose to discover it : and I am fully 
of opinion it is purely ideal. Besides the common 
mechanic arts, which are subservient to the ordi- 
nary uses of life, and which are the instruments of 



32 A FULL VINDICATION 

commerce, I know no other ways, in time of peace, 
in which men can be employed, except in agricul- 
ture and the liberal arts. Persons employed in the 
mechanic arts, are those, whom the abridgement 
of commerce would immediately affect : and as to 
such branches as might be less affected, they are 
already sufficiently stocked with workmen, and 
could give bread to no more. Not only so, but I 
can't see by what legerdemain, a weaver, or clothier, 
could be at once converted into a carpenter or 
blacksmith. With respect to agriculture, the lands 
of Great Britain and Ireland have been long ago 
distributed and taken up ; nor do they require any 
additional laborers to till them: so that there could 
be no employment in this way. The liberal arts 
cannot maintain those who are already devoted to 
them ; not to say, it is more than probable, the 
generality of mechanics, would make but indiffer- 
ent philosophers, poets, painters, and musicia,ns. 

What poor shifts is sophistry obliged to have re- 
course to ! We are threatened with the resentment 
of those agamst whom our measures will operate. 
It is said, that " instead of conciliating, we shall 
alienate, the affections of the people of Great 
Britain : of friends, we shall make them our ene- 
mies." And further, that " we shall excite the re- 
sentment of the government at home against us ; 
which will do us no good, but, on the contrary, much 
harm," 



OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 33 

Soon after, we are told, that " we shall probably 
raise the resentment of the Irish and West Indians. 
The passions of human nature," it is said, " are 
much the same in all countries. If they find us 
disposed, wantonly to distress them, to serve our 
own purposes, they will look out for some method 
to do without us. Will they not look elsewhere, for 
a supply of those articles they used to take from 
us ? They would deserve to be despised for their 
meanness, did they not." 

To these objections I reply, first, with respect to 
the inhabitants of Great Britain ; that if they are 
our friends, as is supposed, and as we have reason 
to believe ; they cannot, without being destitute of 
rationality, be incensed against us, for using the 
only peaceable and probable means, in our power, 
to preserve our invaded rights. They know, by their 
own experience, how fruitless remonstrances and 
petitions are. They know we have tried them, over 
and over, to no purpose. They know, also, how dan- 
gerous to their liberties, the loss of ours must be. 
What, then, could excite their resentment, if they 
have the least regard to common justice ? The ca- 
lamities that threaten them, proceed from the weak- 
ness, or wickedness, of their own rulers, which com- 
pels us to take the measures we do. The insinuation, 
that we wantonly distress them, to serve our own 
purposes, is futile, and unsupported by a single ar- 
gument. I have shown, we could have no other 
resource ; nor can they think our conduct such, with- 

VOL. I. 5 



34 A FULL VINDICATION 

out a degree of infatuation that it would be impos- 
sible to provide against, and, therefore, useless to 
consult. It is most reasonable to believe, they will 
revenge the evils they may feel, on the true authors 
of them ; on an aspiring and ill-judging ministry ; 
not on us, who act out of a melanclioly necessity, 
and are the innocent causes in self-defence. 

With respect to the ministry, it is certain, that 
any thing which has a tendency to frustrate their 
designs, will not fail to excite their displeasure. 
But since we have nothing to expect from their jus- 
tice and lenity, it can be no objection to a measure, 
that it tends to stir up their resentment. But their 
resentment (it is often said) may ruin us. The im- 
possibility of doing that, without, at the same time, 
ruining Great Britain, is a sufficient security. 

The same may be said, with regard to the Irish 
and the West Indians, which has been said con- 
cerning the people of Great Britain. The Irish, in 
particular, by their own circumstances, will be 
taught to sympathize with us, and commend our 
conduct. Justice will direct their resentment to 
its proper objects. 

It is true, self-love will prompt, both the Irish and 
the West Indians, to take every method in their 
power, to escape the miseries they are in danger 
of But what methods can they take ? " The Irish," 
it is said, " may be supplied with flax-seed from 
Holland, the Baltic, and the river St. Lawrence. 
Canada produces no inconsiderable quantity alrea- 



OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 35 

dy." And as to the West Indies, " they produce 
now, many of the necessaries of life. The quantity 
may be easily increased. Canada will furnish them 
with many articles they now take from us ; flour, 
lumber, horses, &c. Georgia, the Floridas, and the 
Mississippi, abound in lumber : Nova Scotia in fish." 

The Dutch are rivals to the English in their com- 
merce. They make large quantities of fine linens, 
gauze, laces, etc., which require the flax to be 
picked before it comes to seed : for which reason, 
it is not in their power to raise much more seed 
than they want for their own use. Ireland has al- 
ways had the surplus from them. They could, if 
they were ever so willing, enlarge their usual sup- 
plies but very little. It is, indeed, probable they 
may withhold them. They may choose to improve 
the occasion for the advancement of their own 
trade. They may take advantage of the scarcity 
of materials in Ireland, to increase and put off their 
own manufactures. 

The Baltic has ever supplied Ireland with its flax ; 
and she has been able to consume that, with all she 
could derive from other quarters. 

As to Canada, I am well informed, it could at 
present afford but a very inconsiderable quantity. 
It has had little encouragement, hitherto, to raise 
that article ; and, of course, has not much attended 
to it. The instances mentioned, of seed being 
" bought up there at a low price, brought to New- 



36 A FULL VINDICATION 

York, and sold to the Irish factors at a great ad- 
vance," does not prove there is any quantity raised 
there. Its cheapness proceeds from there being no 
demand for it ; and where there was no demand, 
there was no inducement to cultivate it. 

Upon the whole it appears, that the supplies of 
flax-seed, which Ireland might draw elsewhere, 
could be trifling, in comparison with those received 
from us, and not at all equivalent to her wants. 
But if this were not the case; if she might procure 
a sufliciency without our help ; yet could she not 
do without us. She would want purchasers for 
her linens after they were manufactured : and 
where could she find any so numerous and wealthy 
as we are ? I must refer it to the profound sagaci- 
ty of Mr. A W. Farmer, to explore them : it is too 
arduous a task for me. 

Much less could the West Indies subsist inde- 
pendent of us. Notwithstanding the continual im- 
ports from hence, there is seldom, or ever, in any 
of the Islands, a sufficient stock of provisions to 
last six months ; w hich may give us an idea, how 
great the consumption is. The necessaries they 
produce within themselves, when compared with 
the consumption, are scarcely worth mentioning. 
Very small portions of the land are appropriated to 
the productions of such necessaries : indeed it is 
too valuable to admit of it. Nor could the quantity 
be increased to any material degree, without ap- 



OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 37 

plying the whole of the land to it. It is alleged, 
that " Canada will furnish them with flour, lumber, 
horses, &c. :" and that " Georgia, the Floridas, and 
Mississippi, abound in lumber : Nova Scotia in fish." 
These countries have been all along carrying on a 
trade to the West Indies, as well as we : and can 
it be imagined, that, alone, they will be able to 
supply them tolerably ? The Canadians have been 
indolent, and have not improved their country as 
they ought to have done. The wheat they raise 
at present, over and above what they have occasion 
for themselves, would be found to go but little way 
among the islands. Those who think the contra- 
ry, must have mistaken notions of them. They 
must be unapprized of the number of souls they con- 
tain. Almost every one hundred and fifty, or two 
hundred, acres of land, exclusive of populous towns, 
comprehend a hundred people. It is not a small 
quantity of food that will suffice for so many. Ten 
or fifteen years diligence, I grant, might enable 
Canada to perform what is now expected from her ; 
but, in the mean time, the West Indians might 
have the satisfaction of starving. 

To suppose the best ; which is, that by applying 
their cane-lands to the purpose of procuring suste- 
nance, they may preserve themselves from starving : 
still, the consequences must be very serious or 
pernicious. The wealthy planters would but ill 
relish the loss of their crops : and such of them as 



38 A FULL VINDICATION 

were considerably in debt, would be ruined. At 
any rate, the revenues of Great Britain would suf- 
fer a vast diminution. 

The Farmer, I am inclined to hope, builds too 
much upon the present disunion of Canada, Georgia, 
the Floridas, the Mississippi, and Nova Scotia, from 
other colonies. A little time, I trust, will awaken 
them from their slumbers, and bring them to a 
proper sense of their indiscretion. I please myself 
with the flattering prospect, that they will, ere 
long, unite in one indissoluble chain with the rest 
of the colonies. I cannot believe, they will persist 
in such a conduct, as must exclude them from the 
secure enjoyment of those heaven-descended im- 
munities we are contending for. 

There is one argument I have frequently heard 
urged, which it may be of some use to invalidate. 
It is this : that if the mother country should be 
inclined to an accommodation of our disputes ; we 
have, by our rash procedure, thrown an insurmount- 
able obstacle in her way : we have made it 
disgraceful to her to comply with our requisitions, 
because they are proposed in a hostile manner. 

Our present measures, I have proved, are the 
only peaceable ones we could place the least confi- 
dence in. They are the least exceptionable, upon 
the score of irritating Great Britain, of any our 
circumstances would permit. The Congress have 
petitioned his Majesty for the redress of grievances. 



OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 39 

They have, no doubt, addressed him in the most 
lunnble, respectful, and affectionate terms : assured 
him of their own loyalty and fidelity ; and of the 
loyalty and fidelity of his American subjects in 
general : endeavored to convince him, that v^e have 
been misrepresented and abused : and expressed 
an earnest desire, to see an amicable termination of 
the unhappy differences now existing. Can a 
pretext be wanting, in this case, to preserve the 
dignity of this parent state, and yet remove the 
complaints of the colonies ? How easy would it 
be, to overlook our particular agreements, and grant 
us redress in consequence of our petitions ? It is 
easy to perceive there would be no difficulty in this 
respect. 

I have omitted many considerations which might 
be adduced, to show the impolicy of Great Britain's 
delaying to accommodate matters, and attempting 
to enforce submission, by cutting off all external 
sources of trade. To say all the subject allows, 
would spin out this piece to an immoderate length. 
I shall therefore content myself with mentioning 
only three things more. First, it would be extreme- 
ly hurtful to the commerce of Great Britain, to drive 
us to the necessity of laying a regular foundation 
for manufactories of our own ; which, if once esta- 
blished, could not easily, if at all, be underminedy 
or abolished. Secondly, it would be very expen- 
sive to the nation, to maintain a fleet, for the purpose 



40 A FULL VINDICATION 

of blocking up our ports and destroying our trade : 
nor could she interrupt our intercourse with foreign 
climes, without, at the same time, retrenching her 
own revenues ; for she must then lose the duties 
and customs upon the articles we are wont to ex- 
port to, and import from, them. Added to this, it 
would not be prudent to risk the displeasure of 
those nations, to whom our trade is useful and 
beneficial. And lastly, a perseverance in ill-treat- 
ment, would naturally beget such deep-rooted 
animosities in America, as might never be eradi- 
cated ; and which might operate to the prejudice 
of tlie empire, to the latest period. 

Thus have I clearly proved, that the plan of op- 
position concerted by our Congress, is perfectly 
consonant with justice and sound policy ; and will, 
in all human probability, secure our freedom against 
the assaults of our enemies. 

But, after all, it may be demanded, why they have 
adopted a non-exportation; seeing many arguments 
tend to show, that a non-importation, alone, would 
accomplish the end desired ? 

I answer, that the continuance of our exports, is 
the only thing which could lessen, or retard, the 
efficacy of a non-importation. It is not, indeed, 
probable it should do that to any great degree ; 
but it was advisable to provide against every possi- 
ble obstruction. Besides this, the prospect of its 
taking place, and of the evils attendant upon it. 



OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 41 

will be a prevailing motive wdth the ministry, to 
abandon their malignant schemes. It w^ill also 
serve to convince them, that we are not afraid of 
putting ourselves to any inconveniences, sooner 
than be the victims of their lawless ambition. 

The execution of this measure, has been wisely 
deferred to a future time ; because we have the 
greatest reason to think, affairs will be settled 
without it ; and because its consequences would be 
too fatal, to be justified by any thing but absolute 
necessity. This necessity there will be, should not 
our disputes terminate before the time allotted for 
its commencement. 

Before I conclude this part of my address, I will 
answer two very singular interrogatories proposed 
by the Farmer. " Can we think," says he, " to 
threaten, and bully, and frighteuj the supreme go- 
vernment of the nation into a compliance with our 
demands ? Can we expect to force submission to 
our peevish and petulant humors, by exciting 
clamors and riots in England ?" No, gentle sin 
We neither desire, nor endeavor, to threaten, bully, 
nor frighten, any persons into a compliance with our 
demands. We have no peevish and petulant 
humors to be submitted to. All we aim at, is, to 
convince your high and mighty masters, the mi- 
nistry, that we are not such asses as to let them 
ride us as they please. We are determined to 
show them, that we know the value of freedom ; 

VOL. I. 6 



42 A FULL VINDICATION 

nor shall their rapacity extort that inestimable jewel 
from us, without a manly and virtuous struggle. 
But for your part, sweet Sir ! though we cannot 
much applaud your wisdom, yet we are compelled 
to admire your valor, which leads you to hope you 
may be able to sivear, threaten, bully, and frighten, 
all America into a compliance with your sinister 
designs. When properly accoutred, and armed 
with your formidable hickory cudgel, what may not 
the ministry expect from such a champion ? Alas, 
for the poor committee gentlemen ! how I tremble 
when I reflect on the many wounds and scars they 
must receive from your tremendous arm ! Alas, 
for their supporters and abettors ! a very large part, 
indeed, of the continent : but what of that? They 
must all be soundly drubbed with that confounded 
hickory cudgel : for surely you would not under- 
take to drub one of them, without knowing yourself 
able to treat all their friends and adherents in the 
same manner ; since 't is plain you would bring 
them all upon your back. 

I am now to address myself in particular to the 
Farmers of New- York. 
My Good Countrymen : 

The reason I address myself to you, in particular, 
is, because I am one of your number, or connected 
with you in interest, more than with any other 
branch of the community. I love to speak the 
truth, and would scorn to prejudice you in favor of 



OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 43 

what I have to say, by taking upon me a fictitious 
character, as other people have done. I can venture 
to assure you, the true writer of the piece signed 
A W. Farmer, is not in reality a Farmer. He is 
some ministerial emissary, that has assumed the 
name to deceive you, and make you swallow the 
intoxicating potion he has prepared for you. But I 
have a better opinion of you, than to think he will 
be able to succeed. I am persuaded, you love 
yourselves and children better than to let any 
designing men cheat you out of your liberty and 
property, to serve their own purposes. You would 
be a disgrace to your ancestors, and the bitterest 
enemies to yourselves, and to your posterity, if you 
did not act like men, in protecting and defending 
those rights you have hitherto enjoyed. 

I say, my friends, I do not address you in particu- 
lar, because I have any greater connexion with 
you than with other people. I despise all false 
pretensions, and mean arts. Let those have re- 
course to dissimulation and falsehood, who can't 
defend their cause without it. 'T is my maxim, to 
let the plain naked truth speak for itself: and if 
men won't listen to it, 't is their own fault : they 
must be contented to suffer for it. I am neither 
merchant, nor farmer. I address you, because I 
wish well to my country, and of course to you, who 
are one chief support of it ; and because an attempt 



44 A FULL VINDICATION 

has been made to lead you astray in particular. 
You are the men, too, who would lose most, should 
you be foolish enough to counteract the prudent 
measures our w^orthy Congress has taken, for the 
preservation of our liberties. Those who advise 
you to do it, are not your friends, but your greatest 
foes. They would have you made slaves, that 
they may pamper themselves with the fruits of your 
honest labor. 'T is the Farmer who is most op- 
pressed in all countries w^here slavery prevails. 

You have seen how clearly I have proved, that 
a non-importation and non-exportation, are the only 
peaceable means in our power, to save ourselves 
from the most dreadful state of slavery. I have 
shown there is not the least hope to be placed in 
any thing else. I have confuted all the principal 
cavils raised by the pretended Farmer ; and I hope, 
before I finish, to satisfy you, that he has attempted 
to frighten you with the prospect of evils which 
will never happen. This, indeed, I have, in a 
great measure, done already, by making appear, the 
great probabihty, I may almost say, certainty, that 
our measures will procure us the most speedy re- 
dress. 

Are you willing, then, to be slaves without a 
single struggle ? Will you give up your freedom, 
or, which is the same thing, w411 you resign all 
security for your life and property, rather than 



OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 45 

endurej^some small present inconveniences ? Will 
you not take a little trouble to transmit the advan- 
tages you now possess, to those who are to come 
after you ? I cannot doubt it. I would not sus- 
pect you of so much baseness and stupidity, as to 
suppose the contrary. 

Pray, who can tell me why a farmer in America, 
is not as honest and good a man as a farmer in 
England ? or, why has not the one as good a right 
to what he has earned by his labor as the other ? 
I can't, for my life, see any distinction between 
them. And yet, it seems, the English farmers are 
to be governed and taxed by their own Assembly, 
or Parliament ; and the American farmers are not. 
The former, are to choose their own Representa- 
tives from among themselves, whose interest is 
connected with theirs, and over whom they have 
proper control. The latter, are to be loaded with 
taxes by men three thousand miles off; by men 
who have no interest or connexions amono^ them : 
but whose interest it will be, to burden them as 
much as possible ; and over whom they cannot 
have the least restraint. How do you like this 
doctrine, my friends ? Are you ready to own the 
English farmers for your masters ? Are you w illing 
to acknowledge their right to take your property 
from you, and when they please ? I know you 
scorn the thought. You had rather die than sub- 
rait to it. 



46 A FULL VINDICATION 

But some people try to make you believe, we are 
disputing about the foolish trifle of three pence 
duty upon tea. They may as well tell you, that 
black is white. Surely you can judge for your- 
selves. Is a dispute, whether the Parliament of 
Great Britain shall make what laws, and impose 
what taxes, they please upon us, or not ; I say, is 
this a dispute about three pence duty upon tea ? 
The man that affirms it, deserves to be laughed at. 

It is true, we are denying to pay the duty upon 
tea ;, but it is not for the value of the thing itself. 
It is, because we cannot submit to that, without 
acknowledging the principle upon which it is 
founded ; and that principle is, a right to tax us in 
all cases whatsoever. 

You have heretofore experienced the benefit of 
being taxed by your own Assemblies only. Your 
burdens are so light, that you scarcely feel them. 
You'd soon find the difference, if you were once to 
let the Parliament have the management of these 
matters. 

How would you like to pay four shillings a year,* 
out of every pound your farms are worth, to be 
squandered (at least a great part of it) upon 'minis- 
terial tools and court sycophants ? What would 
you think of giving a tenth part of the yearly pro- 
ducts of your lands to the clergy ? Would you 

* The full price of your farms every five years. 



OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 47 

not think it very hard to pay ten shillings sterling, 
per annum, for every wheel of your waggons and 
other carriages ; a shilling or two for every pane 
of glass in your houses; and two or three shillings 
for every one of your hearths ? I might mention 
taxes upon your mares, cows, and many other 
things ; but those I have already mentioned, are 
sufficient. Methinks I see you stare, and hear you 
ask, how you could live, if you were to pay such 
heavy taxes ? Indeed, my friends, I can't tell you. 
You are to look out for that, and take care vou do 
not run yourselves in the way of danger, by follow- 
ing the advice of those who want to betray you. 
This you may depend upon ; if ever you let the 
Parliament carry its point, you will have these and 
more to pay. Perhaps, before long, your tables, 
and chairs, and platters, and dishes, and knives, and 
forks, and every thing else, would be taxed. Nay, 
I don't know but they would find means to tax you 
for every child you got, and for every kiss your 
daughters received from their sweet-hearts; and 
God knows, that would soon ruin you. The people 
of England would pull down the Parliament House, 
if their present heav^y burdens were not transferred 
from them to you. Indeed, there is no reason to 
think, the Parliament would have any inclination to 
spare you. The contrary is evident. 

But being ruined by taxes, is not the worst you 
have to fear. What security would you have for 



48 A FULL VINDICATION 

your lives ? How can any of you be sure you 
vvould have the free enjoyment of your religion 
long? Would you put your religion in the power 
of any set of men living ? Remember, civil and 
religious liberty always go together: if the founda- 
tion of the one be sapped, the other will fall of 
course. 

Call to mind one of our sister colonies, Boston. 
Reflect upon the situation of Canada; and then tell 
me, whether you are inclined to place any confi- 
dence in the justice and humanity of the Parlia- 
ment. The port of Boston is blocked up, and an 
army planted in the town. An act has been passed 
to alter its charter ; to prohibit its assemblies ; to 
license the murder of its inhabitants ; and to con- 
vey them from their own country to Great Britain, 
to be tried for their lives. What was all this for ? 
Just because a small number of people, provoked 
by an open and dangerous attack upon their liber- 
ties, destroyed a parcel of Tea belonging to the 
East India Company. It was not public, but pri- 
vate, property they destroyed. It was not the act 
of the whole province, but the act of a part of the 
citizens. Instead of trying to discover the perpe- 
trators, and commencing a legal prosecution against 
them ; the Parliament of Great Britain interfered 
in an unprecedented manner, and inflicted a punish- 
ment upon a whole province, " untried, unheard, 
unconvicted of any crime." This may be justice, 



OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 49 

but it looks so much like cruelty, that a man of a 
humane heart would be more apt to call it by the 
latter than the former name. 

The affair of Canada, if possible, is still worse. 
The English laws have been superseded by the 
French laws. The Romish faith is made the es- 
tablished religion of the land, and his Majesty is 
placed at the head of it. The free exercise of the 
Protestant faith, depends upon the pleasure of the 
Governor and Council. The subject is divested of 
the right of trial by jury ; and an innocent man may 
be imprisoned his whole life, without being able 
to obtain any trial at all. The Parliament was not 
contented with introducing arbitrary power and 
popery in Canada, with its former limits; but they 
have annexed to it, the vast tracts of land that sur- 
round all the colonies. 

Does not your blood run cold, to think that an 
English Parliament should pass an act for the es- 
tablishment of arbitrary power and popery, in such 
an extensive country ? If they had had any re- 
gard to the freedom and happiness of mankind, 
they would never have done it. If they had been 
friends to the Protestant cause, they would never 
have provided such a nursery for its great enemy : 
they would not have given such encouragement to 
popery. The thought of their conduct, in this par- 
ticular, shocks me. It must shock you, too, my 
friends. Beware of trusting yourselves to men, 

VOL. I. 7 



50 A FULL TINDICATION 

who are capable of such an action ! They may 
as well establish popery in New- York, and the other 
colonies, as they did in Canada. They had no 
more right to do it there than here. 

Is it not better, I ask, to suffer a few present in- 
conveniences, than to put yourselves in the way of 
losing everything that is precious ? Your lives, your 
property, your religion, are all at stake. I do my 
duty. I warn you of your danger. If you should 
still be so mad as to bring destruction upon your- 
selves ; if you should still neglect what you owe 
to God and man ; you cannot plead ignorance in 
your excuse. Your consciences will reproach you 
for your folly ; and your children's children will 
curse you. 

You are told, the schemes of our Congress will 
ruin you. You are told, they have not considered 
your interest ; but have neglected, or betrayed you. 
It is endeavored to make you look upon some of 
the wisest and best men in America, as rogues and 
rebels. What will not wicked men attempt! 
They will scruple nothing, that may serve their 
purposes. In truth, my friends, it is very unlikely 
any of us shall suffer much : but let the worst hap- 
pen, the farmers* will be better off than other 
people. 

Many of those that made up the Congress, have 
large possessions in land, and may, therefore, be 
looked upon as farmers themselves. Can it be sup- 



OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 51 

posed, they would be careless about the farmer's 
interest, when they could not injure that, without 
injuring themselves ? You see the absurdity of 
such a supposition. 

The merchants, and a great part of the trades- 
men, get their living by commerce. These are the 
people that would be hurt most, by putting a stop 
to it. As to the farmers, " they furnish food for the 
merchant and mechanic : the raw materials for most 
manufactures, are the produce of their industry." 
The merchants and mechanics are already depen- 
dent upon the farmers for their food : and if the 
non-importation should continue any time, they 
would be dependent upon them for their clothes 
also. 

It is a false assertion, that the merchants have 
imported more than usual this year. That report 
has been raised by your enemies, to poison your 
minds with evil suspicions. If our disputes be not 
settled within eighteen months, the goods we have 
among us, will be consumed; and tlien the mate- 
rials for making clothes must be had from you. 
Manufactures must be promoted with vigor ; and a 
high price will be given for your wool, flax, and 
hemp. It will be your interest to pay the greatest 
care and attention to your sheep. Increase and 
improve the breed as much as possible. Kill them 
sparingly, and such only as will not be of use to- 
ward the increase and improvement of them. In 



52 A FULL VINDICATION 

a few months we shall know what we have to trust 
to. If matters be not accommodated by spring, 
enlarge the quantity of your flax and hemp. You 
will experience the benefit of it. All those arti- 
cles will be very much wanted : they will bring a 
great deal higher price than they used to do. And 
while you are supplying the wants of the commu- 
nity, you will be enriching } ourselves. 

Should we hereafter find it necessary to stop our 
exports, you can apply more of your land to raising 
flax and hemp, and less of it to wheat, rye, &c. 
By which means, you will not have any of those 
latter articles to lie upon hand. There will be a 
consumption for as much of the former as you can 
raise ; and the great demand they will be in, will 
make them very profitable to you. 

Patience, good Mr. Critic ! Kill them sparingly, 
I said. What objection have you to the phrase ? 
You'll tell me, it is not classical ; but I aftirm it is, 
and if you will condescend to look into Mr. John- 
son's dictionary, you will find I have his authority 
for it. Pray, then, for the future, spare your wit, 
upon such occasions, otherwise the world will not 
be disposed to spare its ridicule. And though the 
man that spares nobody, does not deserve to be 
spared himself, yet will I spare you, for the present, 
and proceed to things of more importance. 

Pardon me, my friends, for taking up your time, 
with this digression ; but I could not forbear step- 



OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 53 

ping out of the way a little, to show the world, I 
am as able a critic, and as good a punster, as Mr. 
Farmer. I now return to the main point with plea- 
sure. 

It is insinuated, "That the bustle about non-im- 
portation, &c., has its rise, not from patriotism, but 
selfishness ;" and is only made by the merchants, 
that they may get a high price for their goods. 

By this time, I flatter myself you are convinced, 
that we are not disputing about trifles. It has been 
clearly proved to you, that we are contending for 
everything dear in life ; and that the measures 
adopted by the Congress, are the only ones which 
can save us from ruin. This is sufticient to confute 
that insinuation. But to confirm it, let me observe 
to you, that the merchants have not been the fore- 
most to bring about a non-importation. All the 
members of the Congress Avere unanimous in it ; and 
many of them were not merchants. Tlie w^armest 
advocates for it, every where, are not concerned 
in trade : and, as I before remarked, the traders 
will be the principal suff'erers, if it should con- 
tinue any time. 

But, it is said, it will not continue, because, 
" when the stores are like to become empty, they 
will have weight enough to break up the agree- 
ment." I don't think they would attempt it : but, 
if they should, it is impossible, a few mercenary 
men could have influence enough to make the 



54 A FULL VINDICATION 

whole body of the people give up the only plan 
their circumstances admit of, for the preservation of 
their rights, and, of course, to forfeit all they have 
been so long striving to secure. The making of a 
non-importation agreement, did not depend upon the 
merchants ; neither will the breaking of it depend 
upon them. The Congress have provided against 
the breach of the non-importation, by the non- 
consumption agreement. They have resolved, for 
themselves, and us, their constituents, " not to pur- 
chase, nor use, any East India Tea whatsoever; 
nor any goods, wares, or merchandise, from Great 
Britain, or Ireland, imported after the first of De- 
cember ; nor molasses, &c., from the West Indies ; 
nor wine, from Madeira, or the Western Islands ; 
nor foreign indigo." If we do not purchase, nor 
use, these things, the merchant will have no in- 
ducement to import them. 

Hence, you may perceive, the reason of a non- 
consumption agreement. It is, to put it out of the 
power of dishonest men, to break the non-importa- 
tion. Is this a slavish regulation ? Or, is it a 
hardship upon us, to submit to it ? Surely not. 
Every sensible, every good man, must approve of 
it. Whoever tries to disaffect you to it, ought to 
meet with your contempt. 

Take notice, my friends, how these men are 
obliged to contradict themselves. In one place, 
jou are told, " that all the bustle about non-impor> 



OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 55 

tation, &c., has its rise, not from patriotism, but 
from selfishness ;" or, in other words, that it is 
made by the merchants, to get a higher price for 
their goods. In another place, it is said, " that all 
we are doing, is instigated by some turbulent men, 
who want to estabhsh a repubUcan form of govern- 
ment among us." 

The Congress is censured, for appointing com- 
mittees to carry their measures into execution, 
and directing them, " to establish such further 
regulations, as they may think proper, for that pur- 
pose." Pray, did we not appoint our Delegates, to 
make regulations for us ? What signified making 
them, if they did not provide some persons, to see 
them executed ? Must a few bad men be left to 
do what they please, contrary to the general sense 
of the people, without any persons to control them, 
or to look into their behaviour, and mark them out 
to the public ? The man that desires to screen his 
knavery from the public eye, will answer. Yes : 
but the honest man, that is determined to do 
nothing hurtful to his country, and who is conscious 
his actions will bear the light, will heartily answer, 
No. 

The high prices of goods are held up, to make 
you dissatisfied with the non-importation. If the 
argument on this head were true, it would be much 
better to subject yourselves to that disadvantage, 
for a time, than to bring upon yourselves all the 



56 A FULL VINDICATION 

mischiefs I have pointed out to you. Should you 
submit to the claims of the Parliament, you will 
not only be oppressed with the taxes upon your 
lands, &c., which I have already mentioned ; but 
you will have to pay heavy taxes upon all the 
goods we import from Great Britain. Large duties 
will be laid upon them at home ; and the merchants, 
of course, will have a greater price for them, or it 
would not be worth their while to carry on trade. 
The duty laid upon paper, glass, painter's colors, 
&c., w^as a beginning of this kind. The present 
duty upon tea, is preparatory to the imposition of 
duties upon all other articles. Do you think the 
Parliament w^ould make such a serious matter of 
three pence a pound upon tea, if it intended to stop 
there ? It is absurd to imasfine it. You would 
soon find your mistake if you did. For fear of 
paying somewhat a higher price to the merchants, 
for a year or two, you would have to pay an endless 
list of taxes, within and without, as long as you 
live, and your children after you. 

But, I trust, there is no danger that the prices of 
goods will rise much, if at all. The same Congress, 
that put a stop to the importation of them, has also 
forbid raising the prices of them. The same com- 
mittee that is to regulate the one, is also to regu- 
late the other. Ail care will be taken to give no 
cause of dissatisfaction. Confide in the men whom 
you, and the rest of the continent, have chosen the 



OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 57 

guardians of our common liberties. Tliey are men 
of sense and virtue. They will do nothing but 
what is really necessary for the security of your 
lives and properties. 

A sad pother is made, too, about prohibiting the 
exportation of sheep without excepting wethers. 
The poor Farmer is at a mighty loss to know how 
wethers can improve, or increase the breed. 
Truly I am not such a conjurer as to be able to in- 
form him : but, if you please, my friends, I can give 
you two pretty good reasons why the Congress 
have not excepted wethers. One is, that, for some 
time, we shall have occasion for all the wool we 
can raise ; so that it would be imprudent to export 
sheep of any kind. And the other is, that if you 
confine yourself chiefly to killing wethers, as 
you ought to do, you will have none to export. 
The gentleman who made the objection, must have 
known these things as well as myself: but he loves 
to crack a jest, and could not pass by so fair an op- 
portunity. 

He takes notice of the first of tliese reasons 
himself; but, in order to weaken its force, cries, 
" Let me ask you, brother farmers, which of you 
w^ould keep a flock of sheep, barely for the sake of 
their wool ?" To this he answers, " Not one of 
you. If you cannot sell your sheep to advantage, 
at a certain age, you cannot keep them to any 
profit." He thinks, because he calls you " brother 

VOL. I. 8 



58 A FULL VINDICATION 

farmers/' that he can cajole you into believing' 
what he pleases : but you are not the fools he 
takes you for. You know what is for your own 
interest better than he can tell you. And we all 
know, that, in a little time, if our affairs be not 
settled, the demand for wool will be very great. 
You will be able to obtain such a price, as will 
make it worth your while to bestow the greatest 
attention upon your sheep. 

In another place this crafty writer tells you, 
that, " from the day our exports from this province 
are stopped, the farmers may date the commence- 
ment of their ruin." He asks, " Will the shop- 
keeper give you his goods ? Will the weaver, 
shoemaker, blacksmith, carpenter, work for you 
without pay ?" I make no doubt you are satisfied, 
from what I have said, that we shall never have oc- 
casion to stop our exports : but if things turn out con- 
trary to our expectation, and it should become neces- 
sary to take that step, you will find no difficulty in 
getting what you want from the merchants and me- 
chanics. They will not be able to do without you : 
and, consequently, they cannot refuse to supply you 
with what you stand in need of from them. Where 
will the merchants and mechanics get food and 
materials for clothing, if not from the farmer 1 
And if they are dependent upon you, for those two 
grand supports of life, how can they withhold what 
they have from you ? 



OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 59 

I repeat it, my friends, we shall know how mat- 
ters are like to be settled by the spring. If our 
disputes be not terminated to our satisfaction by 
that time, it will be your business to plant large 
parts of your lands with flax and hemp. Those 
articles will be wanted for manufactures; and 
they will yield you a greater profit than any thing 
else. In the interim, take good care of your sheep. 

I heartily concur with the farmer in condemning 
all illicit trade. Perjury is, no doubt, a most 
heinous and detestable crime : and, for my part, I 
had rather suffer any thing, than have my wants 
relieved at the expense of truth and integrity. I 
know there are many pretended friends to liberty, 
who will take offence at this declaration : but I 
speak the sentiments of my heart without reserve. 
I do not write for a party. I should scorn to be of 
any. All I say, is from a disinterested regard to 
the public weal. 

The Congress, I am persuaded, were of the same 
opinion. They, like honest men, have, as much 
as was in their power, provided against this kind 
of trade, by agreeing to use no East India Tea 
whatever, after the first day of March next. 

I shall now consider what has been said with 
respect to the payment of debts, and stopping of 
the courts of justice. Let what will happen, it will 
be your own faults, if you are not able to pay your 



60 A FULL VINDICATION 

debts. I have told you, in what manner you may 
make as much out of your lands as ever ; by be- 
stowing more of your attention upon raising flax 
and hemp, and less upon other things. Those 
articles (as I have more than once observed) will be 
in the highest demand. There will be no doing 
without them; and, of course, you will be able to 
get a very profitable price for them. How can it 
be, that the farmers should be at a loss for money 
to pay their debts, at a time when the whole com- 
munity must buy, not only their food, but all the 
materials for their clothes, from them ? You have 
no reason to be uneasy on that account. 

As to the courts of justice, no violence can, nor 
will, be used, to shut them up : but, if it should be 
found necessary, w^e may enter into solemn agree- 
ment, to cease from all litigations at law, except in 
particular cases. We may regulate law-suits in 
such a manner as to prevent any mischief that 
might arise from them. Restrictions may be laid 
on, to hinder merciless creditors from taking advan- 
tage of the times, to oppress and ruin their debtors : 
but, at the same time, not to put it in the power of the 
debtors, ivantonly to withhold their just dues from 
their creditors, when they are able to pay them. 
The law ruins many a good honest family. Dis- 
putes may be settled in a more friendly way. One 
or tw^o virtuous neighbors may be chosen, by each 



OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 61 

party, to decide them. If the next Congress 
should think any regulations, concerning the courts 
of justice, requisite, they will make them ; and 
proper persons will be appointed to carry them into 
execution, and to see that no individuals deviate 
from them. It will be your duty to elect persons, 
whose fidelity and zeal for your interest you can 
depend upon, to represent you in that Congress, 
wiiich is to meet in Philadelphia in May ensuing. 

The Farmer cries, " Tell me not of delegates, 
congresses, committees, mobs, riots, insurrections, 
associations: a plague on them all! Give me the 
steady, uniform, unbiassed, influence of the courts 
of justice. I have been happy under their protec- 
tion ; and, I trust in God, I shall be so again." 

I say, tell me not of the British Commons, lords, 
ministry, ministerial tools, placemen, pensioners, 
parasites. I scorn to let my life and property de- 
pend upon the pleasure of any of them. Give me 
the steady, uniform, unshaken, security of constitu- 
tional freedom. Give me the right to be tried by a 
jury of my own neighbors ; and to be taxed by my 
own representatives only. What will become of 
the law and courts of justice without this ? The 
shadow may remain, but the substance will be 
gone, I would die to preserve the law upon a solid 
foundation : but take away liberty, and the foun- 
dation is destroyed. 

The last thing I shall take notice of, is the com- 



62 A FULL VINDICATION 

plaint of the Farmer, that the Congress will not 
allow you " a dish of tea to please your wives with, 
nor a glass of Madeira to cheer your spirits, nor a 
spoonful of molasses to sweeten your buttermilk 
with." You would have a right to complain, if the 
use of these things had been forbidden to you alone : 
but it has been equally forbidden to all sorts of 
people. The members of the Congress, themselves, 
are no more permitted to please their wives with 
a dish of tea, nor to cheer their spirits with a glass 
of wine, nor to sweeten their buttermilk with a 
spoonful of molasses, than you are. They are upon 
a footing with you in this respect. 

By him — but, with your leave, my friends, we'll 
try, if we can, to do without swearing. I say, it 
is enough to make a man mad, to hear such ridicu- 
lous quibbles offered, instead of sound argument : 
but so it is : the piece I am writing against con- 
tains nothing else. 

When a man grows warm, he has a confounded 
itch for swearing. I have been going, above twen- 
ty times, to rap out an oath, Bij him that made 
me : but I have checked myself with the reflection, 
that it is rather unmannerly, to treat him that made 
us with so much freedom. 

Thus have I examined and confuted, all the cavils 
:and objections, of any consequence, stated by this 
Farmer. I have only passed over such things as 
are of little weight, the fallacy of which will easily 



OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 63 

appear. I have shown, that the Congress have nei- 
ther " ignorantly misunderstood, carelessly neglect- 
ed, nor basely betrayed you ;" but that they have 
devised and recommended, the only effectual means 
to preserve your invaluable privileges. I have 
proved that their measures cannot fail of suc- 
cess; but will procure the most speedy relief for us. 
I have also proved, that the farmers are the people 
who would suffer least, should we be obliged to 
carry all our measures into execution. 

Will you, then, my friends, allow yourselves to 
be duped by this artful enemy ? Will you follow 
his advices, disregard tjie authority of your Con- 
gress, and bring ruin on yourselves and posterity ? 
Will you act in such a manner as to deserve the 
hatred and resentment of all the rest of America ? 
I am sure you will not. I should be sorry to think 
any of my countrymen would be so mean, so blind 
to their own interest, so lost to every generous and 
manly feeling. 

The sort of men I am opposing, give you fair 
words to persuade you to serve their own turns ; 
but they think and speak of you, in common, in a 
very disrespectful manner. I have heard vsome of 
their party talk of you, as the most ignorant and 
mean-spirited set of people in the world. They 
say, that you have no sense of honor or generosity ; 
that you don't care a farthing about your country, 
children, nor any body else but yourselves : and 



/ 



64 A FULL VINDICATION 

that you are so ignorant, as not to be able to look 
beyond the present : so that if you can once be 
persuaded to believe the measures of your Con- 
gress will involve you in some little present per- 
plexities, you will be glad to do anything to avoid 
them ; without considering the much greater mise- 
ries that await you at a little distance off. This 
is the character they give of you. Bad men are 
ajpt to paint others like themselves. For my part, 
I will never entertain such an opinion of you, un- 
less you should verify their words, by wilfully fall- 
ing into the pit they have prepared for you. I 
flatter myself you will convince them of their er- 
ror, by showing the world, you are capable of judg- 
ing what is right and left, and have resolution to 
pursue it. 

All I ask, is, that you will judge for ijourselves. 
I don't desire you to take my opinion, nor any man's 
opinion, as the guide of your actions. I have sta- 
ted a number of plain arguments. I have supported 
them with several well-known facts. It is your 
business to draw a conclusion, and act accordingly. 
I caution you, again and again, to beware of the 
men wdio advise you to forsake the plain path 
marked out for you by the Congress. They only 
mean to deceive and betray you. Our representa- 
tives in general assembly, cannot take any wiser 
or better course to settle our differences, than our 
representatives in the continental congress have 



OF THE MEASURES OF THE CONGRESS, ETC. 65 

taken. If you join with the rest of America in the 
same common measure, you will be sure to pre- 
serve your liberties inviolate : but if you separate 
from them, and seek for redress alone, and un- 
seconded, you will certainly fall a prey to your ene- 
mies, and repent your folly as long- as you live. 

May God give you wisdom to see what is your 
true interest, and inspire you with becoming zeal 
for the cause of virtue and mankind. 



VOL. I. 



66 THE FARMER REFUTED. [1775, 



" A SHOUT time after,* a reply followed, entitled " A View of 
the Controversy, by a Westchester Farmer," marked with still 
greater asperity than the former, and pressing its object with 
new arguments. The inertness of the colony is shown, to prove 
the narrow circle of factious principles ; the right of legislation 
in the colonies is denied, on inferences drawn from the tenor of 
the colonial charters ; the effect of an embargo, to sever from 
them their English friends, is alleged ; the dangers of a civil war 
strongly deprecated, and a remedy proposed of vesting in Parlia- 
ment, the enactment of general laws, reserving to the legislatures' 
the mere right of taxation. 

Within a month,! this paper was followed by a more elaborate 
answer, of seventy-eight pages, entitled " The Farmer Refuted ; 
or a more Comprehensive and Impartial View of the Disputes be- 
tween Great Britain and the Colonies ; intended as a Further 
Vindication of the Congress, in answer to a Letter from A W. 
Farmer, entitled A View of the Controversy between Great 
Britain and her Colonies, including a Mode of determining the 
present Disputes finally and efiectually, etc. By a Sincere Friend 
to America. Tituli Remedia pollicentur, sed Pixedes ipsse venena 
continent. The title promises Remedies, but the Box itself poi- 
sons. Printed by James Rivington, 1775." — Life of Humiltoriy 
by his Son: /». 31, vol. 1. 

* January 5, 1T75. f February 5, 1775. 



1775.] THE FARMER REFUTED. 67 



ADVERTISEMENT. 

The writer of the ensuing sheets can, with truth, say more than the generality 
of those, who either espouse, or oppose, the claim of the British Parliament ; 
which is, that /lis political opinions have been the result of mature deliberation 
and rational inquiry. They have not been influenced by prejudice, nor by any 
interested or ambitious motives. They are not the spawn of licentious clamors, 
or popular declamation ; but the genuine offspring of sober reason. To those 
who are inclined to doubt his sincerity, /lebegs leave to recommend a little more 
charity. To those who are possessed of greater candor, and who, yet, may be 
disposed to ask. How he can be sure, that his opinions have not been influenced 
by prejudice 1 He answers. Because he remembers the time, when he had 
strong prejudices on the side he now opposes. His change of sentiment (he 
firmly believes), proceeded from the superior force of the arguments in favor of 
the American claims. 

Though he is convinced there are too many, whose judgments are led captive 
by the most venal and despicable motives; yethe does not presume to think every 
man, who differs from him, either fool or knave. He is sensible there are men 
of parts and virtue, whose notions are entirely contrary to his. To imagine there 
are not wise and good men on both sides, must be the efi'ect of a weak head, or 
a corrupt heart. He earnestly entreats the candid attention of the judicious and 
well-meaning; and hopes, that what he has written, may be read with as much 
impartiality, and as sincere a regard to truth, as the importance of the controversy 
demands. 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 

Sir. — I resume my pen, in reply to the curious 
epistle you have been pleased to favor me with ; 
and can assure you, that notwithstanding I am na- 
turally of a grave and phlegmatic disposition, it has 
been the source of abundant merriment to me. 
The spirit that breathes throughout, is so rancorous, 
illiberal, and imperious ; the argumentative part 
of it, is so puerile and fallacious ; the misrepre- 
sentations of facts, so palpable and flagrant ; the 
criticisms so illiterate, trifling, and absurd ; the 
conceits so low, steril, and splenetic ; that I will 
venture to pronounce it one of the most ludicrous 



68 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

performances, which has been exhibited to pub- 
lic view, during all the present controversy. 

You have not even imposed on me the laborious 
task of pursuing you through a labyrinth of subtilty. 
You have not had ability sufficient, however violent 
your efforts, to try the depths, of sophistrij ; but have 
barely skimmed along its surface. I should, almost, 
deem the animadversions I am going to make, un- 
necessary, were it not that, without them, you 
might exult in a fancied victory, and arrogate to 
yourself imaginary trophies. 

But, while I pass this judgment, it is not my in- 
tention to detract from your real merit. Candor 
obliges me to acknowledge, that you possess every 
accomplishment of a polemical writer, which may 
serve to dazzle and mislead superficial and vulgar 
minds : a peremptory dictatorial air ; a pert vivacity 
of expression ; an inordinate passion for conceit ; 
and a noble disdain of being fettered by the laws 
of truth. These, Sir, are important qualifications ; 
and these all unite in you, in a very eminent 
degree. So that, though you may never expect 
the plaudits of the judicious and discerning, you 
may console yourself with this assurance ; that 

" Fools and witlings " will" ev'ry sentence raise. 
And wonder, with a foolish face of praise." 

You will, no doubt, be pleased with this further 
concession ; to wit : that there is a striking resem- 
blance between yourself and the renowned hero 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 69 

of the Dunciad. " Vert dullness,'' seems to be the 
chief characteristic of your genius as well as his. 
I might point out a variety of circumstances in 
which you both agree ; but I shall content myself 
with having given the hint, and leave it to yourself 
and to your other* admirers, to prosecute a com- 
parison, which will reflect so high lustre on the 
object of admiration. 

Having thus briefly delivered my sentiments of 
your performance in general, I shall proceed to a 
particular examination of it, so far as may be requi- 
site, towards placing it in that just point of light in 
which it ought to stand. I flatter myself, I shall 
find no difliculty in obviating the objections you 
have produced against the " Full Vindication ;" 
and in showing that your " View of the Contro- 
versy between Great Britain and the Colonies," is 
not only partial and unjust, but diametrically oppo- 
site to the first principles of civil society. In doing 
this, I may occasionally interweave some strictures 
on the " Congress Canvassed." 

First, then, I observe you endeavor to bring the 
imputation of inconsistency upon me, for writing 
" a long and elaborate pamphlet, to justify decisions, 
against whose influence none but impotent attempts 
had been made." A little attention would have 
unfolded the whole mystery. The reason assigned 



* If we may judge from the style and turn of thought, you were pleased to 
be your own admirer in the card in reply. 



70 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

for what I did, was, " lest those attempts," impotent 
as they were, in a general sense, " might yet have 
a tendency to mislead and prejudice the minds of a 
few." To prevent this, I wrote : and if I have 
been instrumental in preserving a single person 
from the baneful effects of your insidious efforts, I 
shall not regret the time I have devoted to that 
laudable purpose. To confirm, or to add, one 
friend to his country, would afford a more refined 
and permanent satisfaction to me, than could possi- 
bly animate the breast of the proudest ministerial 
minion, though elevated to the pinnacle of his 
wished-for preferment, and basking in the sunshine 
of court favor, as the despicable wages of his pros- 
titution and servility. 

You tell me, " I knew, that at the bar of impar- 
tial reason and common sense, the conduct of the 
Congress must be condemned ; but was too much 
interested, too deeply engaged in party-views and 
party-heats, to bear this with patience. / had no 
remedy (you say) but artifice, sophistry, misrepre- 
sentation, and abuse."" These you call " my wea- 
pons, and these I wield like an old experienced 
practitioner," 

You ask, " Is this too heavy a charge ? Can you 
lay your hand upon your heart, and upon your 
honor plead not guilty V Yes, sir, I can do more. 
I can make a solemn appeal to the tribunal of Hea- 
ven, for the rectitude of my intentions. I can af- 



THE FARMER REFUTEIT. 71 

firm, with the most scrupulous regard to truth, that 
I am of opinion, the conduct of the Congress will 
bear the most impartial scrutiny; that I am not 
interested more than as the felicity and jDrosperity 
of this vast continent are concerned ; and that I 
am perfectly disengaged from party of every kind. 

Here, I expect you will exclaim, with your 
usual vehemence and indecency, " You are now 
espousing the cause of a party ! It is the most 
daring impudence and falsehood to assert the con- 
trary !" I can by no means conceive, that an op- 
position to a small herd of malcontents, among 
whom you have thought proper to rank, and a 
zealous attachment to the general measures of 
America, can be denominated the effect of a party 
spirit. You, sir, and your adherents, may be justly 
deemed a faction, because you compose a small num- 
ber inimical to the common voice of your country. 
To determine the truth of this affirmation, it is 
necessary to take a comprehensive view of all the 
colonies. 

Throughout your letter, you seem to consider me 
as a person who has acted, and is still acting, some 
part in the formation and execution of public mea- 
sures. You tacitly represent me as a Delegate, or 
member of the Committee. Whether this be done 
with a design to create a suspicion of my sincerity, 
or whether it be really your opinion, I know not. 
Perhaps it is from a complex motive. But I can 



72 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

assure you, if you are in earnest, that you are en- 
tirely mistaken. I have taken no other part in the 
affair, than that of defending the proceedings of 
the Congress, in conversation, and by the pamphlet 
I lately published. I approved of them, and thought 
an undeviating compliance with them, essential to 
the preservation of American freedom. I shallj 
therefore, strenuously exert myself for the promo- 
tion of that valuable end. 

In the field of literary contention, it is common 
to see the epithets artifice, sojjhistry, misrepresenta- 
tion, and abuse, mutually bandied about. Whether 
they are more justly applicable to you, or to me, 
the public must decide. With respect to abuse, 
I make not the least doubt, but every reader will 
allow you to surpass me in that. 

Your envenomed pen, has endeavored to sully 
the characters of our continental representatives, 
with the presumptuous charges of ignorance, knave- 
ry, sedition, rebellion, treason, and tyranny; — a 
tremendous catalogue indeed ! Nor have you treat- 
ed their friends and adherents with any greater 
degree of complaisance. You have also delineated 
the mercantile body, as entirely devoid of principle ; 
and the several committees, as bands of robbers 
and petty tyrants. In short, except the few who 
are of your own complexion and stamp, " the vir- 
tuous friends of order and good government," you 
have not hesitated to exercise your obloquy and 
malevolence against the whole continent. 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 73 

These things being considered, it is manifest, that 
in my answer to your " Free Thoughts," I treated 
you with more lenity than you had a right to ex- 
pect ; and did by no means observe the strict law 
of retaliation. None but yourself, will think you 
can, with the least propriety, complain of abuse. 

I congratulate myself upon the sentiments you 
entertain of my last performance. Such is my 
opinion of your abilities as a critic, that I very much 
prefer your disapprobation to your applause. But 
with respect to the hrilliancy of thought you speak 
of, give me leave to inform you, that I aimed at 
nothing more than justness of thought. I addressed 
myself to the judgment, not to the imagination. 
In works where fancy is predominant, as is the 
case with yours, there is a better opportunity 
for displaying brilliancy of thought, than where 
reason presides and directs. No wonder, then, if 
you have excelled me in this particular; since your 
plan is so much more favorable to it than mine. 

I shall, for the present, pass over to that part of 
your pamphlet, in which you endeavor to establish 
the supremacy of the BritishParliament over Ameri- 
ca. After a proper eclaircissement of this point, I 
shall draAV such inferences as will sap the founda- 
tion of every thing you have offered. 

The first thing that presents itself, is a wish, that 

" I had, explicitly, declared to the public, my ideas 

of the natural rights of mankind. Man, in a state 
VOL. I. 10 



74 THE FAR3IER REFUTED. 

of nature (you say), may be considered as perfectly 
free from all restraint of law and government ; and 
then, the weak must submit to the strong." 

I shall, henceforth, begin to make some allow- 
ance for that enmity you have discovered to the 
natural rights of mankind. For, though ignorance 
of them, in this enlightened age, cannot be admit- 
ted as a sufficient excuse for you ; yet it ought, in 
some measure, to extenuate your guilt. If you 
will follow my advice, there still may be hopes of 
your reformation. Apply yourself, without delay, 
to the study of the law of nature. I would recom- 
mend to your perusal, Grotius, Puifendorf, Locke, 
Montesquieu, and Burlemaqui. I might mention 
other excellent writers on this subject ; but if you 
attend, diligently, to these, you will not require 
any others. 

There is so strong a similitude between your 
political principles and those maintained by Mr. 
Hobbes, that, in judging from them, a person might 
very easily mistake you for a disciple of his. His 
opinion was exactly coincident with yours, relative 
to man in a state of nature. He held, as you do, 
that he was, then, perfectly free from all restraint 
of law and government. Moral obligation, accord- 
ing to him, is derived from the introduction of civil 
society; and there is no virtue but what is purely 
artificial, the mere contrivance of politicians, for 
the maintenance of social intercourse. But the 



THE FARMER REFUTED. iO 

reason he run into this absurd and impious doctrine, 
was, that he disbelieved the existence of an intel- 
ligent, superintending principle, who is the gover- 
nor, and will be the final judge of the universe. 
As you, sometimes, swear bij him that made you, 
I conclude your sentiments do not correspond with 
his, in that which is the basis of the doctrine you 
both agree in : and this makes it impossible to 
imagine whence this congruity between you arises. 
To grant, that there is a supreme intelligence, who 
rules the world, and has established laws to regu- 
late the actions of his creatures; and, still, to as- 
sert, that man, in a state of nature, may be con- 
sidered as perfectly free from all restraints of law 
and governme7it, appears, to a common understand- 
ing, altogether irreconcileable. 

Good and wise men, in all ages, have embraced 
a very dissimilar theory. They have supposed, 
that the deity, from the relations we stand in to 
Himself, and to each other, has constituted an eter- 
nal and immutable law, which is indispensably 
obligatory upon all mankind, prior to any human 
institution whatever. 

This is what is called the law of nature, " which, 
being coeval with mankind, and dictated by God 
himself, is, of course, superior in obligations to any 
other. It is binding over all the globe, in all coun- 
tries, and at all times. No human laws are of any 
validity, if contrary to this ; and such of them as 



76 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

are valid, derive all their authority, mediately, or 
immediately, from this original." — Blackstone. 

Upon this law depend the natural rights of man- 
kind : the Supreme Being gave existence to man, 
together witli the means of preserving and beati- 
fying that existence. lie endowed him with ra- 
tional faculties, by the help of which, to discern 
and pursue such things as were consistent with his 
duty and interest ; and invested him with an invio- 
lable right to personal liberty and personal safety. 

Hence, in a state of nature, no man had any 
moral power to deprive another of his life, limbs, 
property, or liberty; nor the least authority to 
command, or exact, obedience from him, except 
that which arose from the ties of consanguinity. 

Hence, also, the origin of all civil government, 
justly established, must be a voluntary compact 
between the riders and the ruled ; and must be 
liable to such limitations, as are necessary for the 
security of the absolute rights of the latter : for 
what original title can any man, or set of men, 
have to govern others, except their own consent ? 
To usurp dominion over a people, in their own 
despite ; or to grasp at a more extensive power than 
they are willing to entrust ; is to violate that law of 
nature, which gives every man a right to his per- 
sonal liberty ; and can, therefore, confer no obli- 
gation to obedience. 

" The principal aim of society, is to protect indi- 



THE FARIVIER REFUTED. 77 

viduals in the enjoyment of those absolute rights 
which were vested in them by the immutable laws 
of nature; but which could not be preserved, in 
peace, without that mutual assistance and inter- 
course, which is gained by the institution of friendly 
and social communities. Hence it follows, that the 
first and primary end of human laws, is to maintain 
and regulate these absolute rights of individuals." — 
Blackstone. 

If we examine the pretensions of Parliament by 
this criterion, which is evidently a good one, we 
shall presently detect their injustice. First, they 
are subversive of our natural liberty, because an 
authority is assumed over us, which we by no 
means assent to. And, secondly, they divest us of 
that moral security, for our lives and properties, 
which we are entitled to, and which it is the pri- 
mary end of society to bestow. For such security 
can never exist, while we have no part in making 
the laws that are to bind us ; and while it may be 
the interest of our uncontroled legislators to 
oppress us as much as possible. 

To deny these principles, will be not less absurd, 
than to deny the plainest axioms. I shall not, 
therefore, attempt any further illustration of them. 

You say, " When I assert, that since Americans 
have not, by any act of theirs, empowered the 
British Parliament to make laws for them, it follows 
they can have no just authority to do it ; I advance 



78 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

a position subversive of that dependence, which all 
colonies must, from their very nature, have on the 
mother country." The premises from which I 
drew this conclusion, are indisputable. You have 
not detected any fallacy in them; but endeavor to 
overthrow them by deducing a false and imaginary 
consequence. My principles admit the only depend- 
ence which can subsist, consistent with any idea 
of civil liberty, or with the future welfare of the 
British empire, as will appear hereafter. 

" The dependence of the colonies on the mother 
country," you assert, " has ever been acknowledged. 
It is an impropriety of speech, to talk of an inde- 
pendent colony. The words independent and 
colony, convey contradictory ideas ; much like killing 
and sparing.* As soon as a colony becomes inde- 
pendent on the parent state, it ceases to be any 
longer a colony, just as when you kill a sheep, you 
cease to spare him." 

In what sense the dependence of the colonies 
on the mother country, has been acknowledged, 
will appear from those circumstances of their politi- 
cal history, Avhich I shall, by and by, recite. The 



* I find, Sir, you take a particular delight in persisting in absurdity. But 
if you are not totally incorrigible, the following interpretation of the unfortu- 
nate adverb, will secure it from any future stripes. It is taken from Johnson's 
Dictionary: Sparingly, not abundantly, Bacon; 2, frugally, parsimo- 
niously; not lavishly. Hayward; with abstinence, Atterbury ; cautiously, 
tenderly. Substitute /rw^aW^, or, noi lavishly, i'ov sparingly, and you must 
blush at your own conceit. "Kill your sheep frugally, or, noi lavishly." 
Where is the impropriety of this ? 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 79 

term colony, signifies nothing more than a body of 
people drawn from the mother country, to inhabit 
some distant place, or the comitry itself so inhabited. 
As to the degrees and modifications of that subordi- 
nation, which is due to the parent state, these must 
depend upon other things besides the mere act of 
emigration, to inhabit or settle a distant country. 
These must be ascertained by the spirit of the con- 
stitution of the mother country ; by the compacts 
for the purpose of colonizing; and, more especially, 
by the law of nature, and that supreme law of every 
society — its own happiyiess. 

The idea of colony does not involve the idea of 
slavery. There is a wide difference between the 
dependence of a free people, and the submission of 
slaves. The former I allow; the latter I reject 
with disdain. Nor does the notion of a colony 
imply any subordination to our fellow subjects in 
the parent state, while there is one common 
sovereign established. The dependence of the 
colonies on Great Britain, is an ambiguous and 
equivocal phrase. It may either mean dependence 
on the people of Great Britain, or on the king. In 
the former sense, it is absurd and unaccountable. 
In the latter, it is just and rational. No person will 
affirm, that a French colony is independent on the 
parent state, though it acknowledge the king of 
France as rightful sovereign. Nor can it, with any 
greater propriety, be said, that an English colony is 



80 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

independent, while it bears allegiance to the king 
of Great Britain. The difference between their 
dependence, is only that which distinguishes civil 
liberty from slavery ; and results from the different 
genius of the French and English constitutions. 

But you deny that " we can be liege subjects to 
the king of Great Britain, while we disavow the 
authority of Parliament." You endeavor to prove 
it thus:* "The king of Great Britain was placed 
on the throne, by virtue of an act of Parliament : 
and he is king of America, by virtue of being king 
of Great Britain. He is, therefore, king of America 
by act of Parliament: and, if we disclaim that 
authority of Parliament which made him our king, 
we, in fact, reject him from being our king; for we 
disclaim that authority by which he is king at all." 

Admitting that the king of Great Britain was 
enthroned by virtue of an act of Parliament; and 
that he is king of America, because he is king of 
Great Britain ; yet, the act of Parliament is not the 
efficient cause of his being the king of America. It 
is only the occasion of it. He is king of America, 
by virtue of a compact between us and the kings 
of Great Britain. These colonies were planted and 
settled by the grants, and under the protection, of 
English kings, who entered into covenants with us, 
for themselves, their heirs, and successors ; and it is 
from these covenants, that the duty of protection, 

* Vide " Congress Canvassed." 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 81 

on their part, and the duty of allegiance, on ours, 
arise. 

So that, to disclaim the authority of a British 
Parliament over us, does by no means imply the 
dereliction of our allegiance to British monarchs. 
Our compact takes no cognizance of the manner of 
their accession to the throne. It is sufficient for 
us that they are kings of England. 

The most valid reasons can be assigned for our 
allegiance to the king of Great Britain ; but not 
one of the least force, or plausibility, for our subjec- 
tion to parliamentary decrees. 

We hold our lands in America by virtue of char- 
ters from British monarchs ; and are under no obli- 
gations to the Lords, or Commons, for them. Our 
title is similar, and equal, to that by which they pos- 
sess their lands ; and the king is the legal fountain 
of both. This is one grand source of our obligation 
to allegiance. 

Another, and the principal source, is, that pro- 
tection which we have hitherto enjoyed from the 
kings of Great Britain. Nothing is more common 
than to hear the votaries of Parliament, urge the 
protection we have received from the mother 
country, as an argument for submission to its claims. 
But they entertain erroneous conceptions of the 
matter. The king himself, being the supreme exe- 
cutive magistrate, is regarded by the constitution, 
as the supreme protector of the empire. For this 

VOL. I. 11 



82 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

purpose, he is the generalissimo, or first in military 
command. In him is vested the power of making 
war and peace ; of raising armies, equipping fleets, 
and directing all their motions. He it is, that has 
defended us from our enemies ; and to him alone we 
are obliged to render allegiance and submission. 

The law of nature, and the British constitution, 
both, confine allegiance to the person of the king ; 
and found it upon the principle of protection. We 
may see the subject discussed at large, in the case 
of Calvin. The definition given of it by the learned 
Coke, is this : " Legiance is the mutual bond and 
obligation between the king and his subjects; 
whereby subjects are called his liege subjects, 
because they are bound to obey and serve him : 
and he is called their liege lord, because he is 
bound to maintain and defend them." Hence it is 
evident, that while we enjoy the protection of the 
king, it is incumbent upon us to obey and serve 
him, without the interposition of parliamentary 
supremacy. 

The right of Parliament to legislate for us, cannot 
be accounted for upon any reasonable grounds. 
The constitution of Great Britain is very properly 
called a limited monarchy ; the people having 
reserved to themselves a share in the legislature, 
as a check upon the regal authority, to prevent its 
degenerating into despotism and tyranny. The 
very aim and intention of the democratical part, or 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 83 

the House of Commons, is, to secure the rights of 
the people. Its very being depends upon those 
rights. Its whole power is derived from them, and 
must be terminated by them. 

It is the unalienable birth-right of every English- 
man, who can be considered as a free agent, to 
participate in framing the laws which are to bind 
him, either as to his life or property. But, as 
many inconveniences would result from the exer- 
cise of this right, in person ; it is appointed by the 
constitution, that he shall delegate it to another. 
Hence, he is to give his vote in the election of some 
person he chooses to confide in as his representa- 
tive. This right no power on earth can divest him 
of. It was enjoyed by his ancestors time immemo- 
rial ; recognized and established by Magna Charta ; 
and is essential to the existence of the constitution. 
Abolish this privilege, and the House of Commons 
is annihilated. 

But what was the use and design of this privi- 
lege ? To secure his life and property from the 
attacks of exorbitant power. And in what manner 
is this done ? By giving him the election of those 
who are to have the disposal and regulation of 
them, and wiiose interest is in every respect con- 
nected with his. 

The representative, in this case, is bound, by 
every possible tie, to consult the advantage of his 
constituent. Gratitude for the high and honorable 



84 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

trust reposed in him, demands a return of attention, 
and regard to the advancement of his happiness. 
Self-interest, that most powerful incentive of human 
actions, points and attracts towards the same 
object. 

The duration of his trust is not perpetual, but 
must expire in a few years : and if he is desirous of 
the future favor of his constituents, he must not 
abuse the present instance of it, but must pursue 
the end for which he enjoys it; otherwise he 
forfeits it, and defeats his own purpose. Besides, 
if he consent to any laws hurtful to his constituent, 
he is bound by the same, and must partake the 
disadvantage of them. His friends, relations, 
children, all whose ease and comfort are dear to 
him, will be in a like predicament. And should 
he concur in any flagrant acts of injustice or op- 
pression, he will be within the reach of popular 
vengeance ; and this will restrain him within due 
bounds. 

To crown the whole ; at the expiration of a few 
years, if their representatives have abused their 
trust, the people have it in their power to change 
them; and to elect others, who may be more 
faithful and more attached to their interest. 

These securities, the most powerful that human 
affairs will admit of, have the people of Britain, for 
the good deportment of their representatives 
towards them. They may have proved, at some 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 85 

times, and on some occasions, defective ; but, upon 
the whole, they have been found sufficient. 

When we ascribe to the British House of Com- 
mons, a jurisdiction over the colonies, the scene 
is entirely reversed. All these kinds of security 
immediately disappear : no ties of gratitude or in- 
terest remain. Interest, indeed, may operate to 
our prejudice. To oppress us, may serve as a re- 
commendation to their constituents, as well as an 
alleviation of their own incumbrances. The British 
patriots may, in time, be heard to court the gale of 
popular favor, by boasting their exploits in laying 
some new impositions on their American vassals ; 
and, by that means, lessening the burthens of their 
friends and fellow subjects. 

But what merits still more serious attention, is 
this : There seems to be, already, a jealousy of our 
dawning splendor. It is looked upon as portentous 
of approaching independence. This, we have rea- 
son to believe, is one of the principal incitements 
to the present rigorous and unconstitutional pro- 
ceedings against us. And though it may have 
chiefly originated in the calumnies of designing 
men, yet it does not entirely depend upon adven- 
titious or partial causes ; but is also founded in the 
circumstances of our country and situation. The 
boundless extent of territory we possess ; the whole- 
some temperament of our climate ; the luxuriance 
and fertility of our soil; the variety of our products; 



86 THE FARMER REFUTED, 

the rapidity of our population; the industry of our 
countrymen ; and the commodiousness of our ports ; 
naturally lead to a suspicion of independence, and 
would always have an influence pernicious to us. 
Jealousy is a predominant passion of human nature, 
and is a source of the greatest evils. Whenever it 
takes place between rulers and their subjects, it 
proves the bane of civil society. 

The experience of past ages may inform us, that 
when the circumstances of a people render them 
distressed, their rulers generally recur to severe, 
cruel, and oppressive measures. Instead of en- 
deavoring to establish their authority in the affec- 
tion of their subjects, they think they have no se- 
curity but in their year. They do not aim at gain- 
ing their fidelity and obedience, by making them 
flourishing, prosperous, and happy ; but by render- 
ing them abject and dispirited. They think it 
necessary to intimidate and awe them; to make 
every accession to their own power, and to impair 
the people's as much as possible. 

One great engine to effect this in America, would 
be a large standing army, maintained out of our 
own pockets, to be at the devotion of our oppres- 
sors. This would be introduced under pretext of 
defending us ; but, in fact, to make our bondage 
and misery complete. 

We might soon expect the martial law, univer- 
sally prevalent to the abolition of trials by juries. 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 87 

the Habeas Corpus act, and every other bulwark of 
personal safety, in order to overawe the honest as- 
sertors of their country's cause. A numerous train 
of court dependents would be created and supported 
at our expense. The value of all our possessions, 
by a complication of extorsive measures, would be 
gradually depreciated, till it became a mere shadow. 

This will be called too high wrought a picture, 
a phantom of my own deluded imagination. The 
highest eulogies will be lavished on the wisdom 
and justice of the British nation. But deplorable 
is the condition of that people, who have nothing 
else than the wisdom and justice of another to de- 
pend upon. 

"Political writers," says a celebrated author,* 
" have established it as a maxim, that, in contriving 
any system of government, and fixing the several 
checks and controls of the constitution, every man 
ought to be supposed a hnam ; and to have no 
other end, in all his actions, ^ivX. private interest. By 
this interest w^e must govern him ; and, by means 
of it, make him co-operate to public good, notwith- 
standing his insatiable avarice and ambition. With- 
out this, we shall in vain boast of the advantao^es 
of anij constitution; and shall find, in the end, that 
we have no security for our liberties and possessions, 
except the good vjill of our rulers ; that is, we should 
have no security at all. 

* Hume, vol. 1. Essay 5. 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 



" It is, therefore, a just political maxim, that 
every man must he supposed a knave. Though, at 
the same time, it appears somewhat strange, that 
a maxim should be true in politics, which is false 
in fact. But to satisfy us on this head, we may con- 
sider, that men are generally more honest in a pri- 
vate than in a public capacity ; and will go greater 
lengths to serve a party, than when their own private 
interest is alone concerned. Honor is a great check 
upon mankind. But, where a considerable body 
of men act together, this check is, in a great mea- 
sure, removed ; since a man is sure to be approved 
by his own party, for what promotes the common 
interest : and he soon learns to despise the clamors 
of adversaries. To this we may add, that every 
court, or senate, is determined by the greater num- 
ber of voices ; so that, if self-interest influences 
only the majority (as it will always do), the whole 
senate follows the allurements of this separate in- 
terest ; and acts as if it contained not one member 
who had any regard to public interest and liberty." 
What additional force do these observations ac- 
quire, when applied to the dominion of one com- 
munity over another ! 

From what has been said, it is plain, that we 
are without those checks upon the representatives 
of Great Britain, which alone can make them an- 
swer the end of their appointment with respect to 
us ; which is the preservation of the rights, and 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 89 

the advancement of the happiness, of the governed. 
The direct and inevitable consequence is, they have 
no right to govern us. 

Let us examine it in another light. The House 
of Commons receives all its authority from its elec- 
tors, in consequence of the right they have to a 
share in the legislature. Its electors are freeholders, 
citizens, and others, in Great Britain. It follows, 
therefore, that all its authority is confined to Great 
Britain. This is demonstrative. Sophistry, by an 
artful play of ambiguous terms, may perplex and 
obscure it ; but reason can never confute it. The 
power, which" one society bestows upon any man, 
or body of men, can never extend beyond its own 
limits. The people of Great Britain may confer an 
authority over themselves ; but they can never con- 
fer any over the people of America : because, it is 
impossible for them to give that to another, which 
they never possessed themselves. Now, I should 
be glad to see an attempt to prove, that a freeholder, 
citizen, or any other man in Great Britain, has any 
inherent right to the life, property, or liberty, of a 
freeholder, citizen, or any other man, in America. 
He can have no original and intrinsic right ; be- 
cause nature has distributed an equality of rights 
to every man. He can have no secondary, or de- 
rivative right ; because the only thing which could 
give him that, is wanting ; the consent of the na- 
tural proprietor. It is incumbent upon you to de- 

VOL. I. 12 



90 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

monstrate the existence of such aright; or anything 
else you may produce will be of little av^ail. I do 
not expect you will be discouraged at the apparent 
difficulty. It is the peculiar province of an enter- 
prising genius to surmount the greatest obstacles ; 
and you have discovered an admirable dexterity in 
this way. You have put to flight some of my best 
arguments, with no greater pains than a few posi- 
tive assertions, and as many paltry witticisms : and 
you become altogether irresistible, by adding, with 
a proper degree of confidence. You know the case to 
be as I state it. 

When I say, that the authority of Parliament 
is confined to Great Britain, I speak of it in its 
primitive and original state. Parliament may ac- 
quire an incidental influence over others ; but this 
must be by their own free consent. For, without 
this, any power it might exercise, would be mere 
usurpation, and by no means a just authority. 

The best way of determining disputes, and of 
investigating truth, is by descending to elementary 
principles. Any other method may only bewilder 
and misguide the understanding ; but this will soon 
lead to a convincing and satisfactory crisis. By 
observing this method, we shall learn the following 
truths. 

That the existence of the House of Commons, 
depends upon the people's right to a share in the 
legislature ; which is exercised by means of elect- 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 91 

inof the members of that house. That the end and 
intention of this right, is, to preserve the life, pro- 
perty, and liberty of the subject, from the encroach- 
ments of oppression and tyranny. 

That this end is accomplished, by means of the 
intimate connexion of interest, between those mem- 
bers, and their constituents, the people of Great 
Britain. 

That with respect to the people of America, 
there is no such intimate connexion of interest, but 
the contrary ; and therefore that end could not be 
answered to them ; consequently, the end ceasing, 
the means must cease also. 

The House of Commons derives all its power 
from its own real constituents, who are the people 
of Great Britain ; and that, therefore, it has no 
power but what they originally had in themselves. 

That they had no original right to the life, pro- 
perty, or liberty, of Americans; nor any acquired 
from their own consent ; and of course could give 
no authority over them. 

That, therefore, the House of Commons has no 
such authority. 

What need is there of a multiplicity of arguments, 
or a long chain of reasoning, to inculcate these lu- 
minous principles ? They speak the plainest lan- 
guage to every man of common sense ; and must 
carry conviction where the mental eye is not be- 
dimmed by the mist of prejudice, partiality, am- 



92 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

bition, or avarice. Let us now see what has been 
offered in opposition to them. 

But, by the way, let me remark, that I have 
levelled my battery chiefly against the authority of 
the House of Commons over America ; because, if 
that be proved not to exist, the dispute is at an end. 
The efficacy of acts of Parliament, depends upon 
the due authority of the respective branches, to 
bind the different orders and ranks of the nation. 

It is said, that "■ in every government there must 
be a supreme absolute authority lodged somewhere. 
In arbitrary governments, this power is in the 
monarch; in aristocratical governments, in the 
nobles ; in democratical, in the people, or the de- 
puties of their electing. Our own government, 
being a mixture of all these kinds, the supreme 
authority is vested in the king, nobles, and people ; 
i. e., the King, House of Lords, and House of Com- 
mons elected hy the 'peoijle. The supreme authority 
extends as far as the British dominions extend. 
To suppose a part of the British dominions, which 
is not subject to the power of the British legisla- 
ture, is no better sense than to suppose a country, 
at one and the same time, to be, and not to be, a 
part of the British dominions. If, therefore, the 
colony of New- York is a part of the British domi- 
nions, the colony of New- York is subject to, and 
dependent on, the supreme legislative authority of 
Great Britain." 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 93 

This argument is the most specious of any the 
advocates for parliamentary supremacy are able to 
produce ; but when we come to anatomize, and 
closely examine, every part of it, we shall discover, 
that it is entirely composed of distorted and misap- 
plied principles, together with ambiguous and 
equivocal terms. 

The first branch is. That " in every government, 
there must be a supreme, absolute authority lodged 
somewhere." This position, when properly ex- 
plained, is evidently just. In every civil society, 
there must be a supreme power, to which all the 
members of that society are subject ; for, other- 
wise, there could be no supremacy, or subordina- 
tion; that is, no government at all. But no use 
can be made of this principle beyond matter of 
fact. To infer from thence, that unless a supreme 
absolute authority be vested in one part of an em- 
pire over all the other parts, there can be no 
government in the whole, is false and absurd. 
Each branch may enjoy a distinct, complete legis- 
lature, and still good government may be preserved 
everywhere. It is in vain to assert, that two or 
more distinct legislatures cannot exist in the same 
State. If, by the same State, be meant the same 
individual community, it is true. Thus, for instance, 
there cannot be two supreme legislatures in Great 
Britain, nor two in New- York. But if, by the same 
State, be understood a number of individual socie- 
ties, or bodies politic, united under one common 



94 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

head, then I maintain, that there may be one dis- 
tinct, complete legislature in each. Thus there 
may be one in Great Britain, another in Ireland, 
and another in New- York ; and still, these several 
parts may form but one State. In order to this, 
there must indeed be some connecting, pervading 
principle ; but this is found in the person and pre- 
rogative of the king. He it is, that conjoins all 
these individual societies into one great body poli- 
tic. He it is, that is to preserve their mutual con- 
nexion and dependence, and make them all co- 
operate to one common end, the general good. 
His power is equal to the purpose ; and his interest 
binds him to the due prosecution of it. 

Those who aver, that the independency of 
America on the British Parliament, implies two 
sovereign authorities in the same State, deceive 
themselves, or wish to deceive others, in two ways ; 
by confounding the idea of the same State with 
that of the same individual society ; and by losing- 
sight of that share which the king has in the sove- 
reignty, both of Great Britain and America. 
Perhaps, indeed, it may with propriety be said, 
that the king is the only sovereign of the empire. 
The part which the people have in the legislature, 
may more justly be considered as a limitation of 
the sovereign authority, to prevent its being exer- 
cised in an oppressive and despotic manner. 
Monarchy is universally allowed to predominate in 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 95 

the constitution. In this view, there is not the 
least absurdity in the supposition, that Americans 
have a right to a limitation, similar to that of the 
people of Great Britain. At any rate, there can 
never be said to be two sovereign powers in the 
same State, while one common king is acknow- 
ledged by every member of it. 

Let us, for a moment, imagine the legislature of 
New- York independent on that of Great Britain. 
Where would be the mighty inconvenience ? How 
would government be frustrated, or obstructed, by 
this means ? In what manner would they interfere 
with each other ? In none, that I can perceive. 
The affairs of government might be conducted with 
the greatest harmony, and, by the mediation of the 
king, directed to the same end. He (as I before 
observed) will be the great connecting principle. 
The several parts of the empire, though otherwise 
independent on each other, will all be dependent 
on him. He must guide the vast and complicated 
machine of government, to the reciprocal advantage 
of all his dominions. There is not the least con- 
tradiction in this ; no imperium i?i imperio, as is 
maintained : for the power of every distinct branch 
will be limited to itself; and the authority of his 
Majesty over the whole, will, like a central force, 
attract them all to the same point. 

The second part of your paragraph, is this : " In 
arbitrary governments, this (supreme absolute) 



96 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

power is in the monarch ; in aristocratical govern- 
ments, in the nobles; in democratical, in the 
people, or the deputies of their electing. Our own 
government, being a mixture of all these kinds, the 
supreme authority is vested in the king, nobles, 
and people ; that is, in the King, House of Lords, 
and House of Commons elected by the people." 

You are mistaken Avhen you confine arbitrary 
government to a monarchy. It is not the supreme 
power being placed in one, instead of many, that 
discriminates an arbitrary from a free government. 
When any people are ruled by laws, in framing 
which they have no part, that are to bind them, to 
all intents and purposes, without, in the same man- 
ner, binding the legislators themselves, they are, 
in the strictest sense, slaves ; and the government, 
with respect to them, is despotic. Great Britain is 
itself a free country ; but it is only so, because its 
inhabitants have a share in the legislature. If they 
were once divested of that, they would cease to be 
free. So that, if its jurisdiction be extended over 
other countries that have no actual share in its 
legislature, it becomes arbitrary to them ; because 
they are destitute of those checks and controls 
which constitute that moral security, which is the 
very essence of civil liberty. 

I will go farther, and assert, that the authority 
of the British Parliament over America, would, in 
all probability, be a more intolerable and excessive 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 97 

species of despotism than an absolute monarchy.* 
The power of an absolute prince is not temporary, 
but perpetual. He is under no temptation to pur- 
chase the favor of one part of his dominions at the 
expense of another ; but it is his interest to treat 
them all upon the same footing. Very different is 
the case with regard to the Parliament. The Lords 
and Commons, both, have a private and separate in- 
terest to pursue. They must be wonderfully dis- 
interested, if they would not make us bear a very dis- 
proportional part of the public l)urthens, to avoid 
them as much as possible themselves. The people 
of Britain must, m realitij, be an order of superior 
beings, not cast in the same mould with the com- 
mon degenerate race of mortals, if the sacrifice of 
our interest and ease to theirs, be not extreme- 
ly welcome and alluring. But should experience 
teach us, that they are only mere mortals, fonder of 
themselves than their neighbors; the philanthropy 
and integrity of their representatives will be of a 

*Mr. Hume, in enumerating those political maxims, which will be eter- 
nally true, speaks thus: " It may easily be observed, that though free govern- 
ments have been commonly the most happy, for those who partake of their 
freedom, yet are they the most ruinous and oppressive to their provinces." 
He goes on to give many solid reasons for this ; and, among other things, ob- 
serves, that " a free state necessarily makes a great distinction (between her- 
self and the provinces), and must continne to do so, till men learn to love 
their neighbors as well as themselves." He confirms his reflections by many 
historical facts, and concludes them thus : " Compare the pais conquis of 
France with Ireland, and you will be convinced of this truth: though this 
latter kingdom, being in a good measure peopled from England, possesses so 
many rights and privileges, as should naturally make it challenge better treat- 
ment." 

VOL. I. 13 



98 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

transcendent and matchless nature, should they not 
gratify the natural propensities of their constituents, 
in order to ingratiate themselves, and enhance their 
popularity. 

When you say, that " our government, being a 
mixture of all these kinds, the supreme authority 
is vested in the king, nobles, and people; that is, 
the King, House of Lords, and House of Commons 
elected hy the peopAe ;" you speak unintelligibly. 
A person who had not read any more of your pam- 
phlet than this passage, would have concluded you 
were speaking of our Governor, Council, and As- 
sembly, whom, by a rhetorical figure, you styled, 
" King, Nobles, and people." For how could it be 
imagined, you would call any government our own, 
with this description, that it is vested in the King, 
Nobles, and people, in which, om' own people have 
not the least share ? If our own government be vest- 
ed in the King, Nobles, and people, how comes it 
to pass, that our own people have no part in it ? 
The resolution of these questions will afford a pro- 
per field in which to display your ingenuity. You 
must endeavor to transmute the people of America 
into those of Great Britain, or your description will 
be considered as mere jargon, by every man of sense. 
Perhaps you may be able, in imitation of that cele- 
brated sophist Spinosa, to prove, that they are only 
modally different, but substantially the same. Or, if 
you please, that syllogism of the schools, by which a 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 99 

man is proved a horse, may serve as an excellent 
model. If I recollect right, it is in these words : 

Homo est animal : 
Equus est auiinal : 
Ergo, homo est equus. 

Which is rendered thus : A man is an animal : 
A horse is an animal : Therefore a man is a horse. 
By the same method of argumentation, you may 
prove, that, as Britons and Americans are generical- 
ly the same, they are numerically so, likewise, as 
your description implies. You may form a syllogism 
thus: 

Britons are men : 

Americans are ( he same; 

Therefore, Britons and Americans are the same. 

This argument will be as good as the one I am 
next going to examine. 

" The supreme authority," you say, " extends as 
far as the British dominions extend. To suppose 
apart of the British dominions, which is not subject 
to the power of the British legislature, is no better 
sense, than to suppose a country at one and the 
same time, to be, and not to be, a part of the British 
dominions. If, therefore, the colony of New- York 
be a part of the British dominions, the colony of 
New- York is subject and dependent on the supreme 
legislative authority of Great Britain." 

By " this supreme authority,'" I suppose you 
mean the Parliament of Great Britain. I deny that 



100 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

it extends as far as the British dominions extend ; and 
I have given many substantial reasons for this denial : 
whereas you have never offered any to prove that 
it does. You have begged the question, and taken 
that for granted, which is the very point in debate. 
As to your general position, that there must be a 
supreme absolute authority lodged somewhere, I 
have explained in what sense it ought to be under- 
stood ; and shown, that the several parts of the 
empire may each enjoy a separate independent 
legislature, vvith regard to each other, under one 
common head, the king. 

The seeming proof you have subjoined, is entirely 
fallacious ; and depends upon the use of the terms 
Bi'itish dominions, and British legislature, in an 
equivocal sense. The former may either signify 
countries subject to the king, or to the legislature of 
Great Britain. When we say French dominions, 
we mean countries subject to the king of France. 
In like manner, when we say British dominions, 
the most proper signification is, countries subject 
to the king of Great Britain. At least there is no 
impropriety in using it in this sense.* 

If, by the British legislature, you mean nothing 
more than the Parliament of Great Britain, it is 
well ; but if you affix a different idea to it, you are 

* Or, if there is, all your objection amounts to tliis : that we have adopted 
an improper mode of expression ; and, for the future, we may, in the language 
of the honorable House of Assembly, call the colonies his Majesty's American 
dominions. 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 101 

not arhitrarihj to impose it upon others. If there 
be any chimera in your fond imagination, which 
you express by that term, you must allow others 
the liberty to think it such. In short, if, by the 
term, you mean an authority resident in one part of 
his Majesty's dominions, to make laws for every 
other part of them ; you ought not to apply it in 
this sense, till you have proved that such an au- 
thority does really exist ; especially in a con- 
troversy about that very matter. 

By the British dominions, I mean the countries 
subject to his Britannic Majesty, in his royal capa- 
city. By the British legislature, I will suppose you 
intend simply the Parliament of Great Britain. 
Let us now try whether, " to suppose there may be 
apart of his Britannic Majesty's dominions, which 
is not subject to the Parliament, be no better 
sense, than to suppose a country, at one and the 
same time, to be, and not to be, a part of the 
British dominions." It is impossible for any thing 
to he, and not to be ; but it involves no contradic- 
tions to say, that a country may be in subjection to 
his Britannic Majesty, and, in that sense, a part of 
the British dominions, without being at all depen- 
dent on the Parliament of Great Britain.* The 



* I doubt not, you will here be disposed to cavil, by urging, that if we deny the 
authority of Parliament, we also reject his Britannic Majesty, since he com- 
poses a part of it : but, let it be considered, that the Parliament, as such, is a 
political institution, not 3. physical being. We may deny his Majesty, in his 



102 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

colony of New-York, therefore, may be a branch of 
the British empire, though not subordinate to the 
legislative authority of Britain. 

Upon the whole, if, by the British dominions, 
you mean territories subject to the Parliament, 
you adhere to your usual fallacy, and suppose what 
you are bound to prove. I deny that we are de- 
pendent on the legislature of Great Britain ; and 
yet I maintain that we are a part of the British 
empire ; but in this sense only, as being the free 
born subjects of his Britannic Majesty. 

Thus I have fully examined that argument, 
which is esteemed the bulwark of the doctrine of 
Parliamentary supremacy ; and, I flatter myself, 
clearly refuted it. The main pillar being now 
broken down, the whole structure may easily be 
demolished. I shall, therefore, proceed with 
alacrity in the completion of the work. But it is 
worthy of observation, that a cause must be ex- 
tremely weak, which admits of no better supports. 

Your next argument (if it deserve the name), 
is this : " Legislation is not an inherent right in 
the colonies : many colonies have been established 
and subsisted long without it. The Roman colo- 
nies had no legislative authority. It was not till 



political capacity, as apart of the legislature of Great Britain, and yet acknow- 
ledge him in a similar political capacity, as a part of the legislature of New- York- 
This is an obvious distinction, and cannot be contested, without an affront to 
common sense. 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 103 

the latter period of their republic, that the privi- 
leges of Roman citizens, among which, that of 
voting in Assemblies of the people, at Rome, was 
a principal one, were extended to the inhabitants 
of Italy. All the laws of the empire were enacted 
at Rome. Neither their colonies nor conquered 
countries, had any thing to do with legislation." 

The fundamental source of all your errors, 
sophisms, and false reasonings, is a total ignorance 
of the natural rights of mankind. Were you once 
to become acquainted with these, you could never 
entertain a thought, that all men are not, by nature, 
entitled to a parity of privileges. You w^ould be 
convinced, that natural liberty is a gift of the bene- 
ficent Creator, to the whole human race ; and that 
civil liberty is founded in that ; and cannot be 
wrested from any people, without the most mani- 
fest violation of justice. Civil liberty is only natu- 
ral liberty, modified and secured by the sanctions of 
civil society. It is not a thing, in its own nature, 
precarious and dependent on human will and 
caprice ; but is conformable to the constitution of 
man, as well as necessary to the well-being of 
society. 

Upon this principle, colonists, as well as other 
men, have a right to civil liberty. For, if it be 
conducive to the happiness of society (and reason 
and experience testify that it is), it is evident, that 
every society, of whatsoever kind, has an ab- 



104 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

solute and perfect right to it, which can 
never be withheld without cruelty and injustice. 
The practice* of Rome towards her colonies, can- 
not afford the shadow of an argument against this. 
That mistress of the world was often unjust. And 
the treatment of her dependent provinces, is one 
of the greatest blemishes in her history. Through 
the want of that civil liberty for which we are 
so warmly contending, they groaned under every 
species of wanton oppression. If we are wise, we 
shall take warning from thence ; and consider a 
like state of dependence, as more to be dreaded 
than pestilence and famine. 

The right of colonists, therefore, to exercise a 
legislative power, is an inherent right. It is found- 
ed upon the rights of all men to freedom and hap- 
piness. For civil liberty cannot possibly have any 
existence, where the society, for whom laws are 
made, have no share in making them; and where 
the interest of their legislators is not inseparably 
interwoven with theirs. Before you asserted, that 
the right of legislation was derived " from the in- 
dulgence or grant of the parent state," you should 
have proved two things : — that all men have not 
a natural right to freedom ; and that civil liberty is 
not advantageous to society. 

* If her practice proves any thing, it equally proves, that she had a right to 
plunder them as much as possible. This doctrine, I presume, will not be dis- 
agreeable to some ears. There are many who would rejoice to see America 
plundered in a like manner, provided they could be appointed the instruments. 



THE FARMER 'REFUTED. 105 

** The position," you say, " that we are bound by 
no laws but those to which we have assented, either 
by ourselves, or by our representatives, is a novel 
position, unsupported by any authoritative re- 
cord of the British constitution, ancient or modern. 
It is republican in its very nature ; and tends to 
the utter subversion of the English monarchy. 

" This position has arisen from an artful change of 
terms. To say, that an Englishman is not bound 
by any laws but those to which the representatives 
of the nation have given their consent, is to say 
what is true. But to say, that an Englishman is 
bound by no laws but those to which he hath con- 
sented, in person, or by his representative, is say- 
ing what never was true, and never can be true, 
A great part of the people have no vote in the 
choice of representatives ; and, therefore, are gov- 
erned by laws to which they never consented, 
either by themselves, or by their representatives." 

The foundation of the English constitution rests 
upon this principle ; that no laws have any validity 
or binding force, without the consent and appro- 
bation of the people, given in the persons of their 
representatives, periodically elected by themselves. 
This constitutes the democratical part of the govern- 
ment. 

It is also undeniably certain, that no Enghshman, 
who can be deemed a free agent in apolitical view, 
can be bound by laws, to which he has not con- 

VOL. I. 14 



106 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

sented, either in person, or by his representative. 
Or, in other words, every Englishman (exckisive of 
the mercantile and trading part of the nation) who 
possesses a freehold to the value of forty shillings 
per annum, has a right to a share in the legisla- 
ture ; which he exercises, by giving his vote in the 
election of some person he approves of as his rep- 
resentative. 

" The true reason," says Blackstone, " of requi- 
ring any qualification, with regard to property in 
voters, is to exclude such persons as are m so mean 
a situation, that they are esteemed to have 7io vjill 
of their own. If these persons had votes, they 
would be tempted to dispose of them, under some 
undue influence or other. This would give a great, 
an artful, or a wealthy man, a larger share in elec- 
tions than is consistent with general liberty. If it 
were probable, that every man would give his vote 
freely, and without influence of any kind ; then, 
upon the true theory and genuine principles of liber- 
ty, every member of the community, however poor, 
should have a vote in electing those delegates, to 
whose charge is committed the disposal of his pro- 
perty, his liberty, and life. But since that can hard- 
ly be expected, in persons of indigent fortunes, 
or such as are under the immediate dominion of 
others ; all popular States have been obliged to es- 
tablish certain qualifications, whereby some, who 
are suspected to have no will of their own, are ex- 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 107 

eluded from voting ; in order to set other individ- 
uals, whose wills may be supposed independent, 
more thoroughly upon a level with each other." 

Hence, it appears, that such " of the people as 
have no vote in the choice of representatives, and, 
therefore, are governed by laws to which they 
have not consented, either by themselves or by their 
representatives," are only those " persons, wiio are 
in so mean a situation, that they are esteemed to 
have no will of their own." Every free agent, 
every free man, possessing a freehold of forty 
shillings per annum, is, by the British constitution, 
entitled to a vote in the election of those who are 
invested with the disposal of his life, his liberty, 
and property. 

It is therefore evident, to a demonstration, that 
unless e\eYjfree agent in America be permitted to 
enjoy the same privilege, we are entirely stripped 
of the benefits of the constitution, and precipitated 
into an abyss of slavery. For, we are deprived of 
that immunity which is the grand pillar and sup- 
port of freedom. And this cannot be done without 
a direct violation of the constitution, w hich decrees 
to every free agent, a share in the legislature. 

It deserves to be remarked here, that those very 
persons in Great Britain, who are iri so mean a 
situation as to be excluded from a part in elec- 
tions, are in more eligible circumstances than they 



108 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

would be in who have every necessary qualifica- 
tion. 

They compose a part of that society to whose 
government they are subject. They are nourished 
and maintained by it ; and partake in every other 
emolument for which they are qualified. They 
have, no doubt, most of them, relations and con- 
nexions among those who are privileged to vote ; 
and, by that means, are not entirely without influ- 
ence in the appointment of their rulers. They are 
not governed by laws made expressly and exclu- 
sively for them ; but by the general laws of their 
country, equally obligatory on the legal electors, and 
on the law makers themselves. So that they have 
nearly the same security against oppression, which 
the body of the people have. 

To this we may add, that they are only under a 
conditional prohibition, which industry and good 
fortune may remove. They may, one day, accu- 
mulate a sufficient property to enable them to 
emerge out of their present state. Or, should they 
die in it, their situation is not entailed upon their 
posterity by a fixed and irremediable doom. They, 
agreeably to the ordinary vicissitudes of human af- 
fairs, may acquire what their parents were deficient 
in. 

These considerations plainly show, that the peo- 
ple in America, of all ranks and conditions, opu- 
lent as well as indigent (if subjected to the British 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 109 

Parliament), would be upon a less favorable footing 
than that part of the people of Great Britain, who 
are in so mean a situation, that they are supposed 
to have no will of their own. The injustice of 
this, must be evident to every man of common sense. 

I shall now proceed to take such a survey of 
the political history of the colonies, as may be 
necessary to cast a full light upon their present con- 
test ; and, at the same time, to give the public a 
just conception of the profound and comprehensive 
knowledge you have of the dispute ; the fairness 
and candor with which you have represented facts ; 
and the immaculate purity of your intentions. 

But, previous to this, the following observations 
may not be destitute of utility. 

His Holiness the Pope, by virtue of being Christ's 
Vicegerent upon earth, piously assumed to himself 
a right to dispose of the territories of infidels as he 
thought fit. And in process of time, all Christian 
princes learned to imitate his example; very libe- 
rally giving and granting away the dominions and 
property of Pagan countries. They did not seem 
to be satisfied with the title which Christianity gave 
them to the next world only ; but chose to infer 
from thence, an exclusive right to this world also. 

I must refer it to sounder casuists than I am, to de- 
termine concerning the consistency, or justice, of this 
principle. It is sufficient for my purpose to observe, 
that it is the only foundation upon which Queen 



110 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

Elizabeth, and her successors, undertook to dispose 
of the lands in America. Whatever right, there- 
fore, we may suppose to have existed, it w^as vest- 
ed entirely in the crown : the nation had no con- 
cern in it. It is an invariable maxim, that every 
acquisition of foreign territory is at the absolute 
disposal of the king : and unless he annex it to 
the realm, it is no part of it. And if it be once 
alienated, it can never be united to it without the 
concurrence of the proprietors. 

Were there any room to doubt, that the sole 
right of the territories in America was vested in 
the crown, a convincing argument might be drawn 
from the principle of English tenure. By means 
of the feudal system, the king became, and still 
continues to be, in a legal sense, the original pro- 
prietor, or lord paramount, of all the lands in 
England* Agreeably to this rule, he must have 
been the original proprietor of all the lands in 
America ; and was, therefore, authorized to dispose 
of them in what manner he thought proper. 

The great inquiry, therefore, is, concerning the 
terms on which these lands were really dispensed. 

" The first charter granted by the crown, for 
the purpose of colonization, is" not " that of King 
James the first, to the two Virginia companies," as 
you assert. Previous to that, there was one from 

♦ See Blackstone, volume 1. 



THE FARMER REFUTED. Ill 

Queen Elizabeth to Sir Walter Raleigh, for all the 
territory he might discover and plant, between the 
thirty-third and fortieth degrees of north latitude, 
which was not actually possessed by any christian 
prince, or inhabited by any christian people ; to 
have, hold, occupy, and enjoy the same, to him, his 
heirs and assigns forever, with all prerogatives^ 
jurisdictions, royalties, privileges, franchises, there- 
unto belonging, by sea or land ; only reserving to 
herself, her heirs and successors, the fifth part of 
all gold and silver ore that might be acquired in 
those regions. 

By this grant. Queen Elizabeth relinquished the 
whole legislative and executive power to Sir Wal- 
ter, upon no other condition than simple homage, 
and the above mentioned fifth part of gold and sil- 
ver ore ; which shows, that the crown considered 
itself as invested with the absolute and entire dis- 
posal of the territories in America : and the pas- 
sive conduct of the nation, declares its acqui- 
escence in the same. 

After many successless efforts to plant a colony in 
Virginia, this charter was forfeited and abrogated 
by the attainder of Sir Walter Raleigh : and then 
succeeded that of King James the first, to the two 
Virginia companies, dated the lOtli of April, 1606. 
This was afterwards altered and improved, by a 
second charter, issued in 1609. There was also a 
third, dated March 12, 1611—12. The mention 



112 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

of this last would not have answered your purpose, 
and, therefore, you chose to pass it over in silence. 

In neither of these three, is there the least reser- 
vation made of any authority to Parliament. The 
colonies are considered in them, as entirely without 
the realm, and, consequently, without the jurisdic- 
tion of its legislature. 

In the first charter from King James, there are 
the following clauses : 

" We do ordain, establish, and decree, &c., that 
each of the said colonies, shall have a council, 
which shall govern and order all matters and all 
causes, which shall arise, grow, or happen to, 
or within the same ; according to such laws, or- 
dinances, and instructions, as shall be, in that be- 
half, given and signed with our hand, or sign 
manual, and pass under the privy seal of our realm 
of England." 

" And that, also, there shall be a council estab- 
lished here in England, which shall consist of thir- 
teen persons, to be for that purpose appointed ; 
which shall have the superior managing and direc- 
tion only of, and for, all matters, that shall or may 
concern the government of the said several colo- 
nies." 

" Also, we do for us, our heirs, &c., declare, that 
all and every the persons, being our subjects, which 
shall dwell and inhabit within every, or any, the 
said several colonies, and every of their children. 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 113 

which shall happen to be born within any of the 
said several colonies, shall have and enjoy all liber- 
ties, franchises, and immunities, within any of our 
other dominions, to all intents and purposes, as if 
they had been abiding and born within our realm of 
Engl and.'' 

This latter declaration (to which there is one 
correspondent, or similar, in every American grant), 
plainly indicates, that it was not the royal intention 
to comprise the colonies within the realm of England. 
The powers committed to the two councils, demon- 
strate the same ; for they would be incompatible 
with the idea of any other than distinct States. 

The King could neither exercise, himself, nor 
empower others to exercise, such an authority as 
was really vested in the council, without a breach 
of the Constitution, if the colonies had been a part 
of the realm, or within the jurisdiction of Parlia- 
ment. Such an exertion of power would have been 
unconstitutional and illegal, and, of course, inad- 
missible : but we find it was never called in ques- 
tion by the legislature ; and we may conclude from 
thence, that America was universally considered 
as being without the jurisdiction of Parliament. 

The second charter explains and amplifies the 
privileges of the company, erecting them into " one 
body or commonalty perpetual ;" and confirming 
to them the property of their former territories, 
with the addition of all the islands lying within 

VOL. I. 15 



114 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

one hundred miles of the shores of both seas ; to- 
gether with all " commodities, jurisdictions, royalties, 
privileges, franchises, oxid. pre-eminences, '' to be held 
by the king, his heirs and successors, " in free and 
common soccage." They were only to pay one-fifth 
part of all the gold and silver ore they might find, 
in lieu of all services. 

Their government was vested in a council, first 
appointed by the king ; which, upon every necessa- 
ry occasion, was to be summoned together by the 
company's treasurer. But immediately after the 
persons appointed are named in the charter, it is 
declared, that "the said council and treasurer, or 
any of them, shall be henceforth '' nomiyiated, chosen, 
continued, displaced, changed, altered, or supplied, as 
death, or other several occasions shall require, out 
of the company of the said adventurers, by the 
voice of the greater part of the said company and 
adventurers ;" every member, newly elected, to be 
sworn into office by the Lord Chancellor. 

This council had " full power and authority to 
make, ordain, and establish, all manner of orders, 
laws, directions, instructions, for7ns and ceremonies, of 
government and magistracy, fit, and necessary for, 
and concerning, the government of the said colony ; 
and the same to abrogate, revoke, or change, at all 
times, not only within the precincts of the said 
colony, but also on the seas, in going or coming, 
to or from the said colony." 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 115 

This charter is also silent with respect to Parlia- 
ment ; the authority of which is evidently preclu- 
ded by the whole tenor of it. 

You, sir, took no notice of the circumstance, that 
the council was to be nominated, chosen, continued, 
&c., out of the Virginia company itself, agreeably 
to the voice of the majority. You omitted this, 
and gave quite a different turn to the matter : but 
herein you acted not at all discordant with your 
usual practice. Nor did you esteem it politic to 
transcribe the following clause : " that the said 
company, and every of them, their factors and as- 
signs, shall be free of all subsidies and customs in 
Virginia, for the space of one and twenty years; 
and from all taxes, and impositions forever, upon any 
goods or merchandises, at any time or times here- 
after, either upon importation thither, or exportation 
from thence." 

The third charter is a still farther enlargement 
of their territory and privileges, and is that by 
which their present form of government is modelled. 
The following extract will show the nature of it. 
" We do hereby ordain and grant, that the said trea- 
surer and company of adventurers and planters afore- 
said, shall and may, once every week, and oftener, 
at their pleasure, hold and keep a court or assem- 
bly, for the better order and government of the 
said plantation ; and that any five persons of our 
council for the time being, of which company the 



116 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

treasurer, or his deputy, to be always one, and the 
number of fifteen persons, at the least, of the gene- 
rality of the said company assembled together, in 
such manner as hath been heretofore used and accus- 
tomed, shall be reputed to be, and shall be, a suffi- 
cient court for the handling, ordering, and despatch- 
ing of all such casual and particular occurrences, 
as shall, from time to time, happen, touching and 
concerning the said plantation. And, nevertheless, 
for the handling, ordering, and disposing of the 
matters and affairs of greater weight and impor- 
tance, such as shall, in any sort, concern the weal 
public, and the general good of the said plantation, 
as, namely, the manner of government, from time to 
time, to be used, the ordering and disposing of the 
lands and possessions, and the settling and establish- 
ing of a trade there, or such like, there shall be held 
and kept, every jediY forever, one great general and 
solemn assembly. In all and every of which said 
great and general courts, so assembled, our will 
and pleasure is, and we do, for us, our heirs and 
successors forever, give and grant to the said trea- 
surer and company, or the greater number of them, 
so assembled, that they shall and may have full 
power and authority, from time to time, and at all 
times hereafter, to elect and choose discreet persons 
to be of our said council, for the first colony of Vir- 
ginia ; and to nominate and appoint such officers, 
as they shall think fit and requisite for the govern- 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 117 

ment, managing, ordering, and despatching of the 
affairs of the said company ; and shall likewise have 
full power and authority to ordain and make such 
laws and ordinances for the good and welfare of 
the said plantation, as to them, from time to time, 
shall be thought requisite and meet ; so always, as 
the same he not contrary to the laws and statutes of 
this our realm of England.''^ 

By this charter. King James divested himself 
wholly both of the legislative and executive au- 
thority : but, for his own security, prescribed a 
model for their civil constitution. Their laws were 
not to be contrary to the laws and statutes of his 
realm of England ; which restriction was inserted 
into all the subsequent charters, with some little 
variation, such as, that their laws should be " con- 
sonant to reason, and not repugnant, or contrary, 
but as near as conveniently may he, agreeable to the 
laws, statutes, and rights of this our kingdom of 
England." 

This mode of expression, so indefinite in itself, 
shows that the use made of the clause, by some 
ministerial advocates, is by no means natural or 
warrantable. It could only be intended to set forth 
the British Constitution as a pattern for theirs : and 
accordingly we find, that upon the arrival of Sir 
George Yardly in Virginia, soon after this patent 
was procured, the government was regulated upon 
a new plan, that it might " resemble the British 



118 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

Constitution, composed of two Houses of Parlia- 
ment, and a sovereign. The number of the coun- 
cil was increased, intending this body should rep- 
resent the House of Lords, while the House of Com- 
mons was composed of burgesses, assembled from 
every plantation and settlement in the country." 

There might be a great dissimilarity between the 
laws of Virginia and those of Great Britain, and 
yet not an absolute contrariety ; so that the clause 
in question is not explicit or determinate enough, 
to authorize the conclusion drawn from it. Besides, 
if the colonies were within the realm of England, 
there would be no necessity for any provision in 
favor of its laws : and if they were without (as is 
clearly implied by the clause itself), it must be a 
contradiction to suppose its jurisdiction could ex- 
tend beyond its own limits. 

But the true interpretation may be ascertained, 
beyond a doubt, by the conduct of those very 
princes who granted the charters. They were cer- 
tainly the best judges of their own intention, and 
they have left us indubitable marks of it. 

In April 1621, about nine years after the third 
Virginia charter was issued, a bill was introduced 
into the House of Commons, for indulging the sub- 
jects of England with the privilege of felling upon 
the coast of America : but the House was informed 
by the secretary of State, by order of his Majesty 
King James, that " America was not annexed to 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 119 

the realm; and that it was not fitting that Par- 
liament should make laws for those countries ^ 

In the reign of his successor, Charles the First 
(who granted the Massachusetts and Maryland 
charters), the same bill was again proposed in the 
House, and was, in the like manner, refused the 
royal assent ; with a similar declaration, that " it 
was unnecessary ; that the colonies were without 
the realm and jurisdiction of Parliament y 

Circumstances which evidently prove, that these 
clauses were not inserted to render the colonies 
dependent on the Parliament; but only (as I have 
observed), to mark out a model of government for 
them. If, then, the colonies were, at first, without 
the realm and jurisdiction of Parliament, no human 
authority could afterwards alter the case, without 
their own voluntary, full, and express approbation. 

The settlement of New England was the next in 
succession, and was instigated by a detestation of 
civil and ecclesiastical tyranny. The principal de- 
sign of the enterprize, was to be emancipated from 
their sufferings, under the authority of Parliament 
and the laws of England. For this purpose, the 
Puritans had before retired to foreign countries, 
particularly to Holland. But Sir Robert Naughton, 
Secretary of State, having remonstrated to his 
Majesty, concerning the impolicy and absurdity of 
dispeopling his own dominions, by means of reli- 
gious oppression, obtained permission for the Puri- 



120 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

tans to take up their abode in America, where they 
found an asylum from their former misfortunes. 

Previous to their embarkation at Holland, they 
had stipulated with the Virginia Company,* for a 
tract of land in contiguity wdth Hudson's River : 
but when they arrived in America (by some mis- 
conduct of the Pilot), they found themselves at 
Cape Cod, which was without the boundaries of 
the Virginia Patent. There the season compelled 
them to remain ; and there they have prosecuted 
their settlements. 

They looked upon themselves as having reverted 
to a state of nature ; but, being willing still to 
enjoy the protection of their former sovereign, they 
executed the following instrument. 

" In the name of God, Amen ! We, whose names 
are underwritten, the loyal subjects of our dread 
Sovereign Lord, King James, of Great Britain, &c., 
King* defender of the faith, &c., having underta- 
ken, for the glory of God, and the advancement 
of the Christian faith, and the honor of our King 
and country, a voyage to plant the first colony in 
the northern part of Virginia, do, by these presents, 
mutually, in the presence of God and one another, 
covenant and combine ourselves together, into a 
civil body politic, for our better ordering and preser- 
vation, and furtherance of the ends aforesaid ; and 

* This was after they had received their third charter. 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 121 

by virtue hereof, to enact, constitute, and frame, 
such just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, consti- 
tutions, and officers, from time to time, as shall be 
thought most meet and convenient for the gene- 
ral good of the colony ; unto which we promise all 
due submission and obedience. 

" In witness whereof, we have hereunto sub- 
scribed our names, at Cape Cod, November 11, 
1620."* 

This was the original constitution of New Ply- 
mouth. It deserves to be remarked here, that these 
first settlers possessed their lands by the most equi- 
table and independent title, that of a fair and honest 
purchase from their natural owners, the Indian 
tribes. King James, soon after, erected a council 
at Plymouth, in the county of Devon, " for the 
planting, ruling, ordering, and governing, of New 
England in America ;" and granted to " them, their 
successors and assigns, all that part of America, 
lying and being, in breadth, from forty degrees of 
north latitude from the equinoctial line, to the for- 
ty-eighth degree of the said northerly latitude, in- 
clusively ; and in length of, and within all the 
breadth aforesaid, throughout all the main land, 

• This ought to silence the infamous calumnies of those, who represent 
the first settlers in New England, as enemies to kingly government; and 
who are, in their own opinions, wondrous witty, by retailing the idle and 
malicious stories that have been propagated concerning them ; such as their 
having erased the words King, Kingdom, and the like, out of their bibles, 
and inserted in their stead, Civil Magistrate, Parliament, and Republic. 

VOL. I. 16 



122 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

from sea to sea ; together with all the firm lands, 
soils, grounds, havens, ports, rivers, waters, fishings, 
mines, minerals, precious stones, quarries, and all 
and singular other comvaodiiies, jurisdictions, royal- 
ties, privileges, franchises, and pre-eminences, both 
within the said tract of land upon the main, and 
also within the islands and seas adjacent. — To be 
held of his Majesty, his heirs and successors, in 
free and common soccage : and the only considera- 
tion to be, the fifth part of all gold and silver ore, 
for and in respect of all and all manner of duties, de- 
mands, and services." 

This council was vested with the sole power of 
legislation ; the election and appointment of all 
officers, civil and military ; authority to coin money, 
make war and peace, and a variety of other signal 
privileges. The colony of New Plymouth was com- 
prehended within the grant. In consequence of 
which, its inhabitants, a few years after, purchased 
the claim of the patentees, with all their rights and 
immunities, and became an independent state by 
charter. 

The same motives that induced the settlement 
of New Plymouth, did also produce that of Massa- 
chusetts. It w^as first colonised by virtue of a 
patent from the council at Plymouth; and in a year 
after, by a charter from King Charles the First, 
dated the 4th of March, in the fourth year of his 
reign ; by which the adventurers and inhabitants 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 123 

were formed into *' one body politic and corporate, 
by the name of the Governor and Company of the 
Massachusetts Bay, in New England," and clothed 
with powers and privileges resembling those of the 
colony of New Plymouth. 

It happened some time before this, that there 
was a dissolution of the Virginia Company, by a 
royal proclamation, dated 15th of July, 1624 ; by 
which the colony became more immediately de- 
pendent on the king. The Virginians were great- 
ly alarmed at this, and forthwith presented a re- 
monstrance to the Throne ; in which they signified 
an apprehension of " designs formed against their 
rights and privileges." In order to banish their 
fears, the Lords of the Council (in a letter dated 
the 22d of July 1634), gave them an assurance, by 
his Majesty's direction, " that all their estates, trade, 
freedom, and 'privileges, should be enjoyed by them, 
in as extensive a manner as they enjoyed them 
before the recal of the company's patent." Agreea- 
bly to this, their former constitution was confirmed 
and continued. 

The Maryland charter is the next in order, of 
which you, sir, have made no mention. It was o-rant- 
ed by King Charles the First to Lord Baltimore ; 
and contains such ample and exalted privileo-es, 
that no man in his senses can read it, without be- 
ing convinced it is repugnant to every idea of 
dependence on Parliament. 



124 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

It bestows on him, " all the country of Maryland, 
and the islands adjacent ; together with all their 
commodities, jurisdictions, privileges, prerogatives, 
royal rights, &c. &c., of what kinds soever, as well 
by sea as land ; and constitutes him, his heirs and 
assigns, true and absolute lords and proprietaries 
of the said country, and of all the premises afore- 
said ; saving always the faith and allegiance, and 
the sovereign dominion, due to himself, his heirs 
and successors : to be holden of the Kings of Eng- 
land, in free and common soccage, hy fealty only, 
and not in capite ; paying two Indian arrows every 
year, and also the fifth part of all gold and silver 
ore which shall from time to time happen to be 
found : Granting also full and absolute power to the 
said Lord Baltimore, his heirs, &c., to ordain, make, 
enact, and publish, any laws whatsoever, by and with 
the advice, assent, and approbation, of the freemen 
of the said province, or the greater part of them; 
or of their delegates or deputies; whom, for the 
enacting of the said laws, when, and as often as 
need shall require, we will, that the said now Lord 
Baltimore, and his heirs, shall assemble in such 
sort and form, as to him and them, shall seem best. 
Provided, nevertheless, that the said laws be con- 
sonant to reason, and be not repugnant, or contrary, 
but as 'near as conveniently may be, agreeable to the 
laws, statutes, and rights of this our kingdom of 
England." 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 125 

In another place it is ordained, that he the " said 
Lord Baltimore, may from time to time for ever, have 
and enjoy, the customs and subsidies, within the 
said ports, harbors, &c., within the province afore- 
said, payable or due for merchandises and wares, there 
to be laden and unladen; the ^m.^ suhsidies and 
customs, to be reasonably assessed (upon any occa- 
sion), by themselves and the people there, as aforesaid ; 
to whom we give power by these presents, for us, 
our heirs and successors, upon just cause and in 
due proportion, to assess and impose the same." 

I confine myself to these extracts, to avoid 
prolixity, and pass over the enumeration of those 
many extensive prerogatives this charter confers ; 
such as the appointment of all officers, civil and 
military ; the power of making war and peace ; the 
establishment of boroughs and cities; with all neces- 
sary immunities, and the like. 

In the fourteenth year of Charles the Second, 
the two colonies, Connecticut and New Haven, pe- 
titioned the King to unite them into one colony, 
which was complied with. Privileges, as valuable 
and extensive as any that had been before granted, 
were comprised in their charter. There was only 
a reservation of allegiance to the king, without the 
smallest share of the legislative or executive power. 
The next year, Providence and Rhode Island pro- 
cured a charter, with privileges exactly correspon- 
dent to those of Connecticut. 



126 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

You are pleased to assert, " that the charters of 
Rhode Island and Connecticut are simply matters 
of incorporation;" and produce an extract in con- 
firmation of this assertion. 

I should be astonished at so extraordinary a de- 
viation from truth, if there were not many instan- 
ces similar to it. Not only the whole tenor of their 
charters, but their constant practice and form of 
government, hitherto, declare the reverse of your 
assertion. But, that I may not unnecessarily pro- 
long this letter by a quotation of the different 
parts of the respective charters, give me leave to 
present you with an account of the constitution of 
these colonies, which was laid before the House of 
Lords in January 1734. 

" Connecticut and Rhode Island," say the com- 
missioners of Trade and Plantations, " are charter 
governments, where almost the whole power of 
the crown is delegated to the people, who make 
annual election of their Assembly, their Councils, 
and their Governors ; likewise to the majority of 
which Assemblies, Councils, and Governors, res- 
pectively, being collective bodies, the power of 
making laws is granted ; and, as their charters are 
worded, they can, and do, make laws, even with- 
out the Governor's assent, no negative voice being 
reserved to them, as Governors, in said charters. 
These colonies have the power of making laws for 
their better government and support; and are not 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 127 

under any obligation, by their respective constitu- 
tions, to return authentic copies of their laws to 
the crown, for approbation or disallowance ; nor to 
give any account of their proceedings ; nor are 
their laws repealable by the crown ; but the va- 
lidity of them depends upon their not being con- 
trary, but as near as may he, agreeable to the laws 
of England." 

As to the expression, as other our liege people of 
this our realm of England, or any other corporation 
or body politic, within the same ; if any stress be 
laid on the particle other, it will imply, not only that 
the colonies were simple matters of corporation, but 
that the inhabitants of them were considered as 
being within the realm of England. But this can- 
not be admitted as true, without contradicting other 
clauses of the same charters. Thus, in the pream- 
ble to that of Rhode Island, it is said, that the first 
planters " did, by the consent of our royal pro- 
genitors, transport themselves out of this Kingdom 
of England into America." And in each of the 
charters, the King stipulates, that all the children 
born in America, shall enjoy " all the liberties and 
immunities of free and natural subjects, within any 
of his dominions, as if they and every of them were 
born within the realm of England." 

The vague and improper manner, in which this 
particle is used, in many other places of the seve- 
ral charters, will not allow it the least weight in 



128 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

the present instance. In the eleventh article of 
the third Virginia charter, there is this expression : 
" All such, and so many of our loving subjects, or 
any other strangers that will, &c." The same rule 
of inference that makes Rhode Island and Connec- 
ticut simple corporations, will also transform the 
king's loving subjects into mere strangers ; which 
I apprehend cannot be done, without some degree 
of absurdity. 

In the fifteenth year of Charles the Second, Caro- 
lina was erected into a principality. A patent dated 
March 24, 1663, was granted to eight lord proprie- 
tors, vesting them with all its rights, privileges, pre- 
rogatives, royalties, &c., and the whole legislative 
and executive authority, together with the power of 
creating a nobility. The form of government was 
determined by a compact between the people and 
the proprietors, which contained one hundred and 
twenty articles ; and " these were to be and re- 
main, the sacred and unalterable rule and form of 
government in Carolina for ever." A Palatine was 
to be erected from among the proprietaries, who 
was to govern the principality during his life ; and 
at his demise, the surviving lords were to succeed 
him according to the order of seniority. The legis- 
lative power was to reside in the parliament of 
that country, consisting of the Palatine as sovereign ; 
an upper House, in which the proprietors or their 
deputies, the Governor and the Nobility, were to 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 129 

sit ; and a lower House composed of the delegates 
of the people. There was likewise a court estab- 
lished, the members of which were three proprie- 
taries, and the Palatine as president ; and in this 
court, the whole executive authority was lodged. 

There were also several other courts ; the Chief 
Justice's, the High Constable's, the Chancellor's, and 
High Steward's Court. The principal officers s^of 
the State, in number, titles, and power, resembled 
those of the realm of England. The proprietors 
of Carolina considered themselves as possessed of 
every requisite towards forming a separate in- 
dependent State, and were always extremely 
jealous of any encroachments. They even dispu- 
ted the King's authority to establish Courts of Vice 
Admiralty within their precincts,fthough for the 
examination and punishment of offences committed 
without them ; and always appointed an Admiral 
of their own. One of their governors was deposed, 
for "accepting a commission under King William, 
as Judge of the Admiralty, when he had, at the 
same time, a commission from the Lords proprieta- 
ries, for the same office." 

The Philadelphia charter was next granted, and 
contained almost an equality of privileges with that 
of Maryland. There was, indeed, a reserve in 
favor of Parliament, perfectly singular and unpre- 
cedented in any foregoing charter ; and which must 
either be rejected, or the general tenor of the grant 
becomes unintelligible. 

VOL. I. 17 



130 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

It happened that the charter of Massachusetts 
was vacated by a decision in Chancery, and a new 
one was conferred by William and Mary. The 
agents for that colony did not accept it, till they 
had first consulted the most judicious civilians and 
politicians upon the contents of it ; and then drew 
up an instrument in which they assigned the rea- 
sons of their acceptance. The following extract 
will serve to show their sense of it : " The colony," 
say they, " is now made a province; and the Gene- 
ral Court has, with the King's approbation, as much 
power in New England, as the King and Parliament 
have in England. They have all English privileges 
and liberties, and can be touched by no law, and 
by no tax, but of their own making. All the liber- 
ties of their religion are for ever secured." 

You say, that " the powder to levy taxes is res- 
trained to provincial and local purposes only ; and 
to be exercised over such, only, as are inhabitants 
and proprietors of the said province." 

They are empowered " to levy proportionable 
and reasonable assessments, rates, and taxes, for our 
service in the necessary defence and support of the 
government of the said province or territory ; and 
the protection and preservation of the inhabitants 
there." The defence and support of government, and 
their own protection and preservation, are the pur- 
poses for which they are to raise supplies; and, in my 
humble opinion, there are no others to which any 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 131 

society is under an obligation to contribute its 
wealth or property. 

I shall only make one more observation upon this 
charter ; which is, that there was a reservation in 
it of liberty for the people of England to fish upon 
their coasts, which would have been useless and 
absurd, had that province been a part of the realm, 
and within the jurisdiction of Parliament. 

Were it necessary to elucidate, still more, a point 
which is so conspicuous from the several charters 
of the colonies, as well as the express declarations 
of those princes by whom they were granted, to 
wit, " that the colonies are without the realm and 
jurisdiction of Parliament ;" I might enumerate 
many striking circumstances besides those I have 
already mentioned. Cut as the case is by this time 
sufficiently clear, I shall confine myself to the re- 
cital of only one or two more transactions. 

An act of the twenty-fifth of Charles the Second, 
was the first that ever imposed duties on the colo- 
nies for any purpose ; and these, as the preamble 
itself recites, were simply as a regulation of trade 
and were of a prohibitory nature. Notwithstand- 
ing this, it was the source of great dissatisfaction ; 
and was one of the principal causes of the insur- 
rection in Virginia, under Colonel Bacon, which, 
after his death, subsided ; and then the province 
sent agents to England, to remonstrate " against 
taxes and impositions being laid on the colony, by 



132 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

any authority but that of the General Assembly." 
In consequence of this, a declaration was obtained, 
under the privy seal of King Charles, dated nine- 
teenth of April, 1676, to this effect : that " taxes 
ought not to be laid upon the proprietors and in- 
habitants of the colony, but by the common con- 
sent of the General Assembly." 

About three years after, when King Charles had 
occasion to raise a permanent revenue for the sup- 
port of Virginia, he did not attempt to do it by 
means of a parliamentary donation ; but framed a 
Bill, and sent it there by Lord Colepepper, who 
was at that time governor, to receive the concur- 
rence of their legislature. It was there passed into 
a law, and " enacted hj the King's most excellent 
Majesty, hij and with the consent of the General As- 
semhlij of the colony of Virginia. " If the Virginians 
had been subjects of the realm, this could not have 
been done, without a direct violation of Magna 
Charta; which provides, that no English subject 
shall be taxed without the consent of Parliament. 

Thus, sir, I have taken a pretty general survey of 
the American charters ; and proved, to the satisfac 
tion of every unbiassed person, that they are entire- 
ly discordant with that sovereignty of Parliament 
for which you are an advocate. The disingenuity 
of your extracts (to give it no harsher name), merits 
the severest censure ; and will, no doubt, serve to 
discredit all your former, as well as future, labors 
in your favorite cause of despotism. 



THE FARMER REPUTED. 133 

It is true, that New- York has no charter. But 
if it could support its claim to liberty in no other 
way, it might, with justice, plead the common prin- 
ciples of colonization : for it would be unreasona- 
ble to seclude one colony from the enjoyment of 
the most important privileges of the rest. There 
is no need, however, of this plea. The Sacred 
Rights of Mankind are not to be rummaged for 

AMONG OLD PARCHMENTS OR MUSTY RECORDS. ThEY 
ARE WRITTEN, AS WITH A SUNBEAM, IN THE WHOLE 
VOLUME OF HUMAN NATURE, BY THE HaND OF THE 

Divinity itself ; and can never be erased or 
obscured by mortal power. 

The nations of Turkey, Russia, France, Spain, 
and all other despotic kingdoms in the world, have 
an inherent right, whenever they please, to shake 
off the yoke of servitude (though sanctified by the 
immemorial usage of their ancestors), and to model 
their government upon the principles of civil 
liberty. 

I will now venture to assert, that I have demon- 
strated, from the voice of nature, the spirit of the 
British constitution, and the charters of the colo- 
nies in general, the absolute non-existence of that 
parliamentary supremacy for which you contend. 
I am not apt to be dogmatical, or too confident of 
my own opinions ; but, if I thought it possible for 
me to be mistaken, when I maintain, that the Par- 
liament of Great Britain has no sovereign authority 



134 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

over America, I should distrust every principle of 
my understanding, reject every distinction between 
truth and falsehood, and fall into a universal scep- 
ticism. 

Hitherto, I have reasoned against the whole au- 
thority of Parliament, without even excepting the 
right we have conceded, of regulating trade. I 
considered it, in its original state, as founded in the 
British constitution, the natural rights of society, 
and the several charters of the colonies. The 
power of regulating our trade, w^as first exercised 
in the reign of Charles the Second. I shall not 
examine upon what principle. It is enough, we 
have consented to it. But I shall proceed to con- 
sider the argument you make use of, to establish 
the propriety of allowing special duties to be im- 
posed by way of tribute, for the protection of our 
commerce. 

You argue thus : " Notwithstanding the large 
landed estates, possessed by the British subjects 
in the different parts of the world, they must be 
considered as a commercial, manufacturing people. 
The welfare, perhaps the existence, of Great Britain, 
as an independent or sovereign State, depends 
«pon her manufactures and trade ; and many peo- 
ple in America think, that her manufactures and 
commerce depend, in a great measure, on her in- 
tercourse with her colonies ; insomuch, that if this 
should be neglected, her commerce would decline 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 135 

and die away ; her wealth would cease ; and her 
maritime power be at an end. If these observa- 
tions be just, they establish the right of the British 
Parliament to regulate the commerce of the whole 
empire, beyond possibility of contradiction : a denial 
of it, would be a denial of a right in the British 
empire to preserve itself. They prove, also, that all 
parts of the empire must be subject to the British 
Parliament ; for, otherwise, the trade of the whole 
cannot be regulated. They point out, also, the 
best mode of raising such a revenue as is necessa- 
ry for the support and defence of the government, 
viz., by duties on imports and exports : because 
these are attended with the least inconvenience to 
the subject, and may be so managed, as to raise a 
revenue and regulate the trade at the same time. 

" When it is considered that Great Britain is a 
maritime power ; that the present flourishing state 
of her trade, and of the trade of her colonies, de- 
pends, in a great measure, upon the protection 
which they receive from the navy ; that her own 
security depends upon her navy; and that it is, 
principally, a naval protection we receive from her ; 
there will appear a peculiar propriety in laying the 
chief burthen of supporting her navy, upon her 
commerce ; and in requesting us to bear a part of 
the expense, proportional to our ability, and to that 
protection and security which we receive from it." 

The supposition, that a cessation of commerce 



136 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

between Great Britain and the colonies, would be 
ruinous and destructive to the former, is ushered 
in, as the principal argument for her right to regu- 
late the commerce of the whole empire. I am 
willing to allow it its full weight ; but I cannot con- 
ceive how you can pretend, after making such a 
use of it, to deny it the force it ought to have, when 
it is urged as affording a moral certainty that our 
present measures will be successful. If you tacitly 
adopt the principle, and reason from it, in one case, 
with what propriety can you reject it in the other? 
If the preservation of the British empire depends, 
in any material degree, upon the right of Parliament 
to regulate the trade of the colonies, what will be 
the consequence if the trade ceases altogether ? 
You must either acknowledge, that you have ad- 
duced a very weak and foolish argument, or that 
the commercial connexion between Great Britain 
and the colonies, is essential to her security and 
prosperity. You have either failed in proving your 
point, or you have furnished me with an ample con- 
futation of all your reasoning against the probability 
of success, from the restrictions laid on our com- 
merce. If our trade be necessary to the welfare 
of Great Britain, she must, of course, be ruined by 
a discontinuance of it. 

But it is granted, that Great Britain has a right to 
regulate the trade of the empire. The Congress 
have acknowledged it, so far as concerned their con- 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 137 

stituents. You infer from thence, that all parts of 
the empire must be subject to her. They need 
only be so far subject, as is necessary for the end 
proposed, that is, the regulation of their trade. If 
you require any further subjection, you require 
means that are disproportionate to the end^ which 
is unreasonable, and not at all allowable. 

With respect to the justice of submitting- to im- 
positions on our trade, for the purpose of raising a 
revenue to support the navy by which it is pro- 
tected ; 1 answer, that the exclusive regulation of 
our commerce for her own advantage, is a sufficient 
tribute to Great Britain for protecting it. By this 
means, a vast accession of wealth is annually thrown 
into her coffers. It is a matter of notoriety, that 
the balance of trade is very much against us. After 
ransacking Spain, Portugal, Holland, the English, 
French, Spanish, Dutch, and Danish plantations, 
for Money and Bills of Exchange, as remittances 
for the commodities we take from Great Britain ; 
we are still always greatly in arrears to her. At 
a moderate computation, I am well informed, that 
the profits she derives from us every year, exceed 
two millions and a half sterling; and when we re- 
flect, that this sum will be continually increasing, 
as we grow more and more populous, it must be evi- 
dent, that there is not the least justice in raising a 
revenue upon us, by the imposition of special duties. 

The right of Great Britain to regulate our trade 

VOL. I. 18 



138 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

upon this plan, it is now acknowledged, is not an 
inconsiderable matter. It is as much as any free 
people can concede, and as much as any just people 
would require. We are not permitted to procure 
manufactures any where else than from Great 
Britain, or Ireland. Our trade is limited and pre- 
scribed, in every respect, as is most for her interest. 
This is a plentiful source of wealth to her, as I have 
heretofore shown, and shall hereafter confirm by 
the testimony of some British writers. 

But I have found out an argument, which, I 
imagine, will go very near convincing yourself of 
the absurdity of what you have offered on this 
head. It is short, but conclusive . " The principal 
profits of our trade centre in Great Britain."* How 
can you, my dear sir, after making this confession, 
entertain a single thought, that it is incumbent upon 
us to suffer her to raise a revenue upon our trade ? 
Are not the principal profits a sufficient recompense 
for protecting it ? Surely you would not allow her 
the whole. This would be rather too generous. 
However ardent your affection to her, and however 
much it may be your glory to advance her imperial 
dignity, you ought to moderate it so far, as to per- 
mit us to enjoy some little benefit from our trade. 
Only a small portion of the profits will satisfy us. 
We are willing to let her have the principal share, 
and this you acknowledge she already has. But 

• See Page 19 of your own letter. 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 139 

why will you advise us to let her exhaust the small 
pittance we have reserved, as the reward of our 
own industry, in burthensome revenues ? This 
might be liberality and generosity, but it would 
not be prudence : and let me tell you, in this sel- 
fish, rapacious world, a little discretion is, at worst, 
only a venial sin. It will be expedient to be more 
cautious for the future. It is difficult to combat 
truth ; and unless you redouble your vigilance, you 
will (as in the present instance) be extremely apt 
to ensnare yourself 

I shall now briefly examine the excellent mode 
you have proposed, for settling our disputes finally 
and effectually. All internal taxation is to be vested 
in our own legislatures ; and the right of regulating 
trade, by duties, bounties, &c., to be left to the 
Parliament, together with the right of enacting all 
general laws for all the colonies. You imagine 
that we should then " have all the security for our 
rights, liberties, and properties, which human policy 
can give us." 

Here we widely differ in sentiment. My opinion 
is, that we should have no " security besides the 
good will of our rulers ; that is, no security at all." 
Is there no difference between one system of laws 
and another ? Are not some more favorable and 
beneficial to the subject; better calculated to pre- 
serve his life and personal liberty than others ? It 
is evident they are. Suppose, instead of the pre- 



140 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

sent system established among us, the French laws 
were to be introduced, for the good of all the colo- 
nies : Should we have the same security for our 
lives which we now have ? I presume Ave should 
not. I presume, also, that a revolution in our laws 
might and would gradually take place. 

A fondness for power is implanted in most men ; 
and it is natural to abuse it, when acquired. This 
maxim, drawn from the experience of all ages, 
makes it the height of folly to entrust any set of 
men with power, which is not under every possible 
control : perpetual strides are made after more, as 
long as there is any part withheld. We ought 
not, therefore, to concede any greater authority to 
the British Parliament, than is absolutely necessa- 
ry. There seems to be a necessity for vesting the 
regulation of our trade there, because, in time, our 
commercial interests might otherwise interfere 
with her's. But with respect to making laws for 
us, there is not the least necessity, or even propri- 
ety in it. Our legislatures are confined to our- 
selves, and cannot interfere with Great Britain. 
We are best acquainted with our own circum- 
stances, and therefore best qualified to make suita- 
ble regulations. It is of no force to object, that no 
particular colony has power to enact general laws 
for all the colonies. There is no need of such 
general laws. Let every colony attend to its own 
internal police, and all will be well. How have 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 141 

we managed heretofore ? The Parliament has 
made no general laws for our good ; and yet our 
affairs have been conducted much to our ease and 
satisfaction. If any discord has sprung up among 
us, it is wholly imputable to the incursions of 
Great Britain. We should be peaceable and 
happy, if unmolested by her. We are not so des- 
titute of wisdom as to be in want of her assistance, 
to devise proper and salutary laws for us. 

The legislative power of Parliament woLdd at 
any rate be useless to us ; and as utility is the 
prime end of all laws, that power has no reason for 
which it should exist. It is not even requisite for pre- 
serv ing the connexion between Great Britain and 
the colonies ; for that is sufficiently secured in two 
ways : by being united under the same king; and 
by the important privilege of regulating our com- 
merce, to which we have submitted. 

That it might be prejudicial to us, no reasonable 
man can deny. We may trace the evils of it 
through the whole administration of justice. Judi- 
cial proceedings may be so ordered, as to render 
our lives and properties dependent on the will and 
caprice of court favorites and tools. A wide field 
for bribery and corruption of every kind would be 
opened ; and the most enormous exactions would 
take shelter under the garb of law. It is unneces- 
sary to enter into a particular detail of the different 
methods in which all this might be effected ; every 



142 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

man's own imagination will suggest to him a mul- 
tiplicity of instances. 

Rigorous, oppressive, and tyrannical laws, may 
be thought expedient, as instruments to humble 
our rebellious tempers, and oblige us to submit to 
further exertions of authority, till the claim to bind 
us, in all cases whatsoever, be fully complied with. 
This, no doubt, would be a work of time. The 
steps would be gradual, and perhaps imperceptible ; 
but they would be sure and effectual. That thirst 
of power, which influenced the Parliament to assert 
an unlimited authority over us, without the least 
plausible foundation for it (as I have clearly proved), 
will authorize us to apprehend the worst. 

The power of legislating for us, and of raising a 
revenue upon the articles of commerce, would be 
a sufficient degree of slavery. It is absurd to say, 
that Great Britain could not impose heavy burthens 
on our commerce, without immediately feeling the 
effect herself She may enrich herself, by reducing 
us to the most lamentable state of penury and 
wretchedness. We are already forbid to purchase 
the manufactures of any foreign countries. Great 
Britain and Ireland must furnish us with the necessa- 
ries we want. Those things we manufacture among 
ourselves may be disallowed. We should then be 
compelled to take the manufactures of Great Bri- 
tain upon her own conditions. We could not, in 
that case, do without them. However excessive 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 143 

the duties laid upon them, we should be under an 
inevitable necessity to purchase them. How 
would Great Britain feel the effects of those impo- 
sitions, but to her own advantage ? If we might 
withdraw our custom, and apply to other nations ; 
if we might manufacture our own materials ; those 
expedients would serve as a refuge to us; and 
would indeed be a security against any immoderate 
exactions. But these resources would be cut off. 
There would be no alternative left us. We must 
submit to be drained of all our wealth, for those 
necessaries which we are not permitted to get 
elsewhere. 

As to our trade with foreign countries, the bur- 
thens imposed on that, however grievous, would in 
like manner affect Great Britain, only by increasing 
her public treasure. Her own inhabitants would 
pay no part of them : they would fall solely upon 
ourselves. There is no immediate connexion 
between her trade and ours, of this kind : they are 
separate and independent; and, of course, the in- 
cumbrances on the one would not injure the other. 
The superfluity of our products must be exported, 
to enable us to pay our debts to her; and we must 
submit to be loaded at her discretion. If we look 
forward to a period not far distant, we shall per- 
ceive, that the productions of our country will in- 
finitely exceed the demands which Great Britain 
and her connexions can possibly have for them ; 



144 THE FARMER REFLTED. 

and, as we shall then be greatly advanced in pop- 
ulation, our wants will be proportionably increased. 
These circumstances will open an ample field for 
extortion and oppression. 

The legislative authority of Parliament, would 
always be ready to silence our murmurs by tyran- 
nical edicts. These would be enforced by a formi- 
dable army, kept up among us for the purpose. The 
slightest struggles to recover our lost liberty, would 
become dangerous, and even capital. Those hated 
things. Continental Conventions, by which there 
might be a communion of councils and measures, 
would be interdicted. Non-importation and non- 
exportation agreements, would, in effect, be made 
seditious, illegal, and treasonable.* No remedy 
would be left, but in the clemency of our oppres- 
sors ; a wretched one indeed, and such as no 
prudent man woidd confide in ! In whatever light 
we consider the matter, we shall find that we must 
eff'ectually seal our bondage by adopting the mode 
you recommend. 

Agreeably to your own concessions, Great Britain 
is abundantly recompensed for the naval protection 
she aff'ords, by the 'principal 'profits of our trade. It 
can, therefore, with no color of justice, be urged 
upon us, to permit her to raise a revenue through 
that channel. 

* I believe these were the epithets bestowed upon them by General Gage. 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 145 

But, after all, let us suppose that the emolument 
which arises from the simple and abstracted regu- 
lation of our trade, is inadequate to the protection 
we derive from the parent State : does it follow, 
that her just demands cannot be satisfied, unless 
we put it in her power to ruin us ? When did 
the colonies refuse to contribute their proportion to- 
wards defraying the expenses of government ? Du- 
ring the war, our contributions were so liberal and 
generous, that we were thought to have done more 
than our part ; and restitution was accordingly- 
made. Massachusetts, that injured, insulted, and 
calumniated country, was foremost in displaying 
its loyalty ; and was parsimonious neither of its 
men nor money. But, notwithstanding this, no 
confidence, it seems, is due to our virtue or fidelity ; 
but everything is to be trusted to the wisdom and 
disinterestedness of a British Parliament. 

We do not expect, nor require, that all should de- 
pend upon our integrity or generosity, but only a 
part ; and this, every rule of equity entitles us 
to. We have assented to the exercise of a power 
which gives a certainty to Great Britain of a vast 
annual income : any further aids that may be neces- 
sary, ought to be entrusted to our fidelity. When 
the circumstances of two parties will not admit of 
precise boundaries to the duty of each, it is not a 
dictate of justice to put one entirely into the power 
of the other. If the mother country would desist 

VOL. I. 19 



146 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

from grasping at too much, and permit us to enjoy 
the privileges of freemen, interest would concur 
with duty, and lead us to the performance of it. 
We should be sensible of the advantages of a 
mutual intercourse and connexion, and should 
esteem the welfare of Britain as the best security 
for our own. She may, by kind treatment, secure 
our attachment in the powerful bands of self-in- 
terest. This is the conduct that prudence and 
sound policy point out : but, alas ! to her own mis- 
fortune as well as ours, she is blind and infatuated. 
If we take futurity into the account, as we no 
doubt ought to do, we shall find, that in fifty or 
sixty years, America will be in no need of protec- 
tion from Great Britain. She will then be able to 
protect herself, both at home and abroad. She 
will have a plenty of men, and a plenty of mate- 
rials, to provide and equip a formidable navy. She 
will, indeed, owe a debt of gratitude to the parent 
State for past services ; but the scale will then 
begin to turn in her favor : and the obligation for 
future services will be on the side of Great Britain. 
It will be the interest of the latter to keep us with- 
out a fleet, and, by this means, to continue to regu- 
late our trade as before. But, in thus withholding 
the means of protection which we have within our 
own reach, she will chiefly consult her own advan- 
tage, and oblige herself much more than us. At 
that era, to enjoy the privilege of enriching herself 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 147 

bv the direction of our commerce, and, at the same 
time, to derive supports, from our youthful vigour and 
strength, against all her enemies, and thereby to 
extend her conquests over them, will give her rea- 
son to bless the times that gave birth to these colo- 
nies. 

By enlarging our views, and turning our thoughts 
to future days, we must perceive, that the special 
benefits we receive from the British nation, are of 
a temporary and transient nature : while, on the 
other hand, those it may reap from us, by an affec- 
tionate and parental conduct, will be permanent 
and durable ; and will serve to give it such a de- 
gree of stability and lasting prosperity, as could not 
be expected in the common fluctuating course of 
human affairs. Such reflections will teach us, that 
there is no propriety in making any concessions to 
Great Britain, which may be at all inconsistent with 
our safety. 

You employ several contemptible artifices to 
varnish and recommend your scheme. Your con- 
duct, in every respect, affords a striking instance 
of the depravity of human nature. You insinuate, 
that the Pennsylvania Farmer admits the right of 
Parliament to regulate our trade in the same sense 
you do. The very letter your extracts are taken 
from, is expressly levelled against the revenue act, 
with regard to paper, glass, &c. The design of 
that, and all his subsequent papers, is to prove, that 



148 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

all duties, imposed upon the articles of commerce, 
for the purpose of raising a revenue, are to be con- 
sidered in the same light as what you call internal 
taxes, and ought equally to be opposed. 

By the " legal authority to regulate trade," he 
means nothing more, than what the Congress have 
allowed : an authority to confine us to the use of 
our own manufactures ; to prescribe our trade with 
foreign nations, and the like. This is t<he power he 
speaks of as being " lodged in the British Parlia- 
ment." And as to general duties, he means such as 
the people of Great Britain are to pay as well as 
ourselves. Duties, for the purpose of a revenue 
raised upon us only, he calls sjjecial duties ; and 
says, " they are as much a tax upon us as those im- 
posed by the stamp act." 

The following passage will show the sentiments 
of this ingenious and worthy gentleman ; and, at 
the same time, will serve to illustrate what I have 
heretofore said. 

" If you once admit," says he, " that Great Britain 
may lay duties upon her exportations to us, for the 
purpose of levijing money on us only, she will then 
have nothing to do, but to lay duties on the articles 
which she prohibits us to manufacture ; and the 
tragedy of American liberty is finished. We have 
been prohibited from procuring manufactures in all 
cases, anywhere but from Great Britain (excepting 
linens, which we are permitted to import directly 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 149 

from Ireland). We have been prohibited in some 
cases from manufacturing for ourselves, and may 
be prohibited in others. We are, therefore, ex- 
actly in the situation of a city beseiged, which is 
surrounded by the besiegers in every part but one. 
If that is closed up, no step can be taken, hut to 
surrender at discretion. If Great Britain can order 
us to come to her for the necessaries we want ; and 
can order us to pay what taxes she pleases before 
we take them away, or when we land them here ; 
we are as abject slaves as France and Pola7id can 
show, in wooden shoes, and with uncombed hair.* 
" Perhaps the nature of the necessities of depen- 
dent States, caused by the policy of a governing 
one for her own benefit, may be elucidated by a 
fact mentioned in history. When the Carthagi- 
nians were possessed of the island of Sardinia, they 
made a decree, that the Sardinians should not raise 
corn, nor get it any other way than from the Car- 
thaginians. Then, by imposing any duties they 
would upon it, they drained from the miserable 
Sardinians any sums they pleased : and, whenever 
that miserable and oppressed people made the least 
movement to assert their liberty, their tyrants 
starved them to death or submission. This may 
be called the most perfect kind of political neces- 
sity." 

• The peasants of France wear wooden shoes ; and the vassals of Poland 
are remarkable for matted hair which never cau be combed. 



150 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

You would persuade us, also, that Mr. Fitfs sen- 
timents accord with yours, about the regulation of 
trade; but this is as false as the other. When he 
tells them " to exercise every power but that of 
taking money out of our pockets," he does not 
mean that they shall barely refrain from a manual 
operation upon our pockets ; but t hat they shall 
exact money from us in no way whatsoever. To 
tax the commodities Great Britain obliges us to 
take from her only, is as much taking money out 
of our pockets as to tax our estates ; and must be 
equally excluded by Mr. Pitt's prohibition. 

You all along argue upon a suppositious denial 
of the right of Parliament to regulate our trade. 
You tell us, " It will never give up the right of 
regulating the trade of the colonies :" and, in ano- 
ther place, " If we succeed in depriving Great 
Britain of the power of regulating our trade, the 
colonies will probably be soon at variance with 
each other. Their commercial interests will inter- 
fere ;* there will be no supreme power to interpose ; 
and discord and animosity must ensue." 

I leave others to determine, whether you are 
most defective in memory or honesty : but in order 
to show that you are starting difficulties where there 
are really none, I will transcribe, for your perusal, 
part of the fourth resolve of the Congress. After 

* I do not see any reason to believe this would be the case ; but as it is of no 
importance to controvert it, I shall pass it over. 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 151 

asserting the right of the several provincial legisla- 
tures to an exclusive power of legislation " in all 
cases of taxation and internal policy," they con- 
clude thus : " But from the necessity of the case, 
and a regard to the mutual interests of both coun- 
tries, we cheerfully consent to the operation of 
such acts of the British Parliament, as are honajide 
restrained to the regulation of our external commerce, 
for the purpose of securing the commercial advan- 
tages of the whole empire to the mother country, 
and the commercial benefits of its respective mem- 
bers; excluding every idea of taxation, internal 
or external, for raising a revenue on the subjects 
in America without their consent." 

It seems to me not impossible, that our trade 
may be so regulated, as to prevent the discord and 
animosity, at the prospect of which you are so ter- 
rified, without the least assistance from a revenue. 

Thus have I not only disproved the existence of 
that parliamentary authority of which you are so 
zealous an abettor ; but also shown, that the mode 
you have proposed for the accommodation of our 
disputes, would be destructive to American free- 
dom. My next business is, to vindicate the Con- 
gress by a few natural inferences ; and such reflec- 
tions on the state of our commercial connexion with 
the mother country, as are necessary to show the 
insignificancy of your objections to my former ar- 
guments on this head. 



152 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

Since it has been proved, that the British Par- 
liament has no right, either to the legislation or 
taxation of America; and since neither could be 
ceded without betraying our liberties; the Congress 
would have acted inconsistent with their duty to 
their country had they done it. Their conduct, 
therefore, so far from being reprehensible, was per- 
fectly justifiable and laudable. 

The regulation of our trade, in the sense it is 
now admitted, is the only power we can, with 
justice to ourselves, permit the British Parliament 
to exercise : and it is a privilege of so important a 
nature, so beneficial and lucrative to Great Britain, 
that she ought, in equity, to be contented with it, 
and not attempt to grasp at anything more. The 
Congress, therefore, have made the only conces- 
sion which the welfare and prosperity of America 
would warrant, or which Great Britain, in reason, 
could expect. 

All your clamours, therefore, against them for not 
having draw n some proper line, are groundless and 
ridiculous. They have drawn the only line which 
American freedom will authorize, or which the re- 
lation between the parent State and the colonies 
requires. 

It is a necessary consequence, and not an as- 
sumed point, that the claim of Parliament to bind 
us by statutes in all cases whatsoever, is unconstitu- 
tional, unjust, and tyrannical; and the repeated at- 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 153 

tempts to carry it into execution, evince a fixed, in- 
veterate design to exterminate the liberties of 
America. 

Mr. Grenville, during his administration, was the 
projector of this scheme. His conduct, as a minis- 
ter, has been severely arraigned by his successors 
in office, and by the nation in general : but, not- 
withstanding this, a measure which disgraces his 
character more than anything else has been stea- 
dily pursued ever since. 

The Stamp Act was the commencement of our 
misfortunes ; which, in consequence of the spirited 
opposition made by us, was repealed. The Rev- 
enue Act, imposing duties on paper, glass, &c., 
came next, and was also partly repealed on the 
same account. A part, however, was left to be the 
instrument of some future attack. The present 
minister, in conjunction with a mercenary tribe of 
merchants, attempted to effect, by stratagem, what 
could not be done by an open, undisguised manner 
of proceeding. His emissaries, every-where, were 
set to work. They endeavoured, by every possible 
device, to allure us into the snare. The Act, passed 
for the purpose, was misrepresented ; and we were 
assured, with all the parade of pretended patriotism, 
that our liberties were in no danger. The advan- 
tage we should receive from the probable cheap- 
ness of English tea, was played off with every ex- 
aggeration of falsehood ; and specious declamations 

VOL. I. 20 



154 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

on the criminality of illicit trade, served as a gild- 
ing for the whole. Thus, truth and its opposite 
were blended. The men, who could make just 
reflections on the sanctity of an oath, were yet base 
enough to strike at the vitals of those rights which 
ought to be held sacred by every rational being. 

It so happened, that the first tea ship arrived at 
Boston. The Assembly of that province, justly 
alarmed at the consequences, made repeated appli- 
cations to the consignees for the East India Com- 
pany, requesting them to send back the tea. They 
as often refused to comply. The ship was detained 
till the time was clasped ; after which the tea must 
have been landed, and the duties paid, or it would 
have been seized by the Custom House. To pre- 
vent this, a part of the citizens of Boston assem- 
bled, proceeded to the ship, and threw the tea into 
the river.* 

The scheme of the ministry was disappointed on 
all hands. The tea was returned from all the 
colonies except South Carolina. It was landed 
there ; but such precautions were taken, as equally 
served to baffle their attempt. 

This abortion of their favorite plan, inflamed the 
ministerial ire. They breathed nothing but ven- 
geance against America. Menaces of punishment 
resounded through both Houses of Parliament. 

• I shall examine the justice and policy of this procedure in some future 
publication. 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 155 

The Commons of Great Britain spoke more in the 
supercilious tone of masters, than in the becoming 
language of fellow-subjects. To all the judicious 
reasonings of a Burke, or Barre, no other answer 
was returned, than an idle tale of lenity and severi- 
ty. Much was said of their past forbearance, and 
of their future resentment. This was the burthen 
of the song. The Quixotte minister, too, promised 
to bring America to his feet. Humiliating idea, 
and such as ought to be spurned by every free-born 
American ! 

Boston was the first victim to the meditated ven- 
geance. An Act was passed to block up her ports 
and destroy her commerce, with every aggravating 
circumstance that can be imagined. It was not 
left at her option to elude the stroke by paying for 
the tea ; but she was also to make such satisfaction 
to the officers of his Majesty's revenue, and others 
who might have suffered, as should be judged rea- 
sonable by the governor. 

Nor is this all. Before her commerce could be 
restored, she must have submitted to the authority 
claimed and exercised by the Parliament.* 

• This must be evident to every person who has read the Act. The prefa- 
tory part of it, is in these words : " Whereas, dangerous commotions and in- 
surrections have been fomented and raised in the town of Boston, &c. ; in 
which commotions and insurrections, certain valuable cargoes of tea, &,c., 
were seized and destroyed: And whereas, in the present condition of the 
Slid town and h\rbour, the commerce of his Majesty's subjects cannot be safe- 
ly carrie.l on there, nor the customs payable to his Majesty, duly collected, &c." 

The commotions specified, are those in which the tea was destroyed: 
The commerce obstructed, was that of the East India Company : And the 



156 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

Had the rest of America passively looked on^ 
while a sister colony was subjugated, the same fate 
would gradually have overtaken all. The safety 
of the whole depends upon the mutual protection 
of every part. If the sword of oppression be per- 
mitted to lop off one limb without opposition ; re- 
iterated strokes will soon dismember the whole 
body. Hence, it was the duty and interest of all 
the colonies to succour and support the one which 
was suffering. It is sometimes sagaciously urged, 
that we ou^ht to commiserate the distresses of the 
people of Massachusetts, but not intermeddle in 
their affairs, so far as perhaps to bring ourselves 
into like circumstances with them. This might be 
good reasoning, if our neutrality would not be more 
dangerous than our participation : but I am unable 
to conceive, how the colonies in general would 
have any security against oppression, if they were 

customs which could not be collected, were those on the tea These are the 
evils the Act is intended to punish and remove : and accordingly it provides, 
that " whenever it shall appear to his Majesty, in his privy council, that 
peace and obedience to the laws (i. e. the laws of Parliament) shall be so far 
restored in the said town of Boston, that the trade of Great Britain may safely 
be carried on there, and his Majesty's customs duly collected;" then, his 
Majesty may, at his discretion, so far open the port, as to him seems necessa- 
sary. So that until the Bostonians shall submit lo let the trade of Great 
Britain be carried on upon her own terms, and suffer his Majesty's customs 
(the duty upon tea, or any other the Parliament may impose) to be duly col- 
lected, they must remain in their present distressed situation : that is, unless 
they resign their freedom, and put on the ignominious yoke tendered them 
by Parliament, they are never to recover their lost trade. Hence it appears, 
how weak, ungenerous, and contemptible, that objection is, which supposes 
the Bostonians might have avoided their present calamities by paying for the 
tea. The truth is, they had no alternative but submission to all the unjust 
claims of Parliament. 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 157 

once to content themselves with barely pitying 
each other, while Parliament was prosecuting and 
enforcing its demands. Unless they continually 
protect and assist each other, they must all inevi- 
tably fall a prey to their enemies. 

Extraordinary emergencies require extraordinary 
expedients. The best mode of opposition was that 
in \^ hich there might be a union of councils. This 
was necessary to ascertain the boundaries of our 
rights, and to give weight and dignity to our mea- 
sures, both in Great Britain and America. A Con- 
gress was accordingly proposed, and universally 
agreed to. 

You, sir, triumph in the supposed illegality of 
this body : but granting your supposition were 
true, it would be a matter of no real importance. 
When the ifirst principles of civil society are vio- 
lated, and the rights of a whole people are invaded, 
the common forms of municipal law are not to be 
regarded. Men may then betake themselves to 
the law of nature ; and, if they but conform their 
actions to that standard, all cavils against them be- 
tray either ignorance or dishonesty. There are 
some events in society, to which human laws cannot 
extend ; but, when applied to them, lose all their 
force and efficacy. In short, when human laws contra- 
dict, or discountenance, the means which are neces- 
sary to preserve the essential rights of any society. 



158 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

they defeat the proper end of all laws, and so be- 
come null and void. 

But you have barely asserted, not proved, this 
illegality. If by the term, you mean a contrariety 
to law, I desire you to produce the law against it. 
I maintain there is none in being. If you mean 
that there is no law, the intention of which may 
authorize such a convention, I deny this also. It 
has been always a principle of the law, that sub- 
jects have a right to state their grievances, and 
petition the king for redress. This is explicitly 
acknowledged by an Act of the first of William 
and Mary : and " all prosecutions and commit- 
ments for such petitioning," are declared to be ille- 
gal. So far, then, the Congress was a body founded 
in law ; for if subjects have such a right, they may 
undoubtedly elect and depute persons from among 
themselves to act for them.* 

As to the particular agreements entered into, 
with respect to our commerce, the law makes no 
provision for or against them : they are perfectly 
indifferent, in a legal sense. We may, or may not, 
trade, as is most suitable to our own circumstances. 

The deputies chosen in the several provinces, 
met at Philadelphia according to appointment, and 

• All lawyers agree, that the spirit and reason of a law, is one of the prin- 
cipal rules of interpretation : if so, it cannot be doubted, that when a people 
are aggrieved, and their circumstances will not allow them unitedly to peti- 
tion in their own persons, they may appoint representatives to do it for them. 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 159 

framed a set of resolves, declarative of the rights 
of America : all which 1 have by general arguments 
proved, are consonant to reason and nature ; to the 
spirit of the British Constitution ; and to the inten- 
tion of our charters. They made the only conces- 
sion (as I have also shown) that their duty to 
themselves and their country would justify, or 
that the connexion between Great Britain and the 
colonies demanded. 

They solicited the King for a redress of griev- 
ances: but, justly concluding, from past experience ; 
from the behaviour and declarations of the majority 
in both Houses of Parliament ; and from the known 
character and avowed designs of the minister; that 
little or no dependence was to be placed upon bare 
entreaties; they thought it necessary to second 
them by restrictions on trade. 

In my former defence of the measures of the Con- 
gress, I proved, in a manner you never will be able 
to invalidate, that petitions and remonstrances 
would certainly be unavailing. I wall now exam- 
ine your frivolous and prevaricating reply. 

You answer thus : " In the commotions occa- 
sioned by the Stamp Act, we recurred to petitions 
and remonstrances : our grievances w^ere pointed 
out, and redress solicited with temper and decency. 
They were heard ; they were attended to ; and 
the disagreeable Act repealed. The same mode 
of application succeeded, w^ith regard to the duties 



160 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

laid upon glass, painter's colours, &c. You say, 
indeed, that our addresses on this occasion were 
treated with contempt and neglect. But, I be- 
seech you, were not our addresses received, read, 
and debated upon ? And was not the repeal of 
those Acts the consequence ? The fact you know 
is as I state it. If these Acts were not only disa- 
greeable to the Americans, but were also found to 
militate against the commercial interests of Great 
Britain, it proves what I asserted above ; that du- 
ties which injure our trade, will soon be felt in 
England ; and then there will be no difficulty in 
getting them repealed." 

I entirely deny the fact to be as you state it ; and 
you are conscious it is not. Our addresses were 
not heard, attended to, and the disagreeable Act 
repealed in consequence of them. If this had been 
the case, why was no notice taken of them in the 
repealing Act ? Why were not our complaints as- 
signed as the inducement to it ? On the contrary, 
these are the express words of the first repeal, to 
which the second is also similar : " Whereas the 
continuance of the said Act would be atttended 
with many inconveniences, and may he productive of 
consequences greatly detrimental to the commercial 
interests of Great Britain : May it therefore please 
your most excellent Majesty, by and with the ad- 
vice and consent, &c., that from and after the first 
day of May, 1766, the above mentioned Act, and 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 161 

the several matters and things therein contained, 
shall be, and is, and are, hereby repealed and made 
void, to all intents and purposes vs^hatsoever." 

The inconveniences, and the ill consequences, 
to Great Britain, are the only reasons given for the 
revocation of the Act. How, then, can you pre- 
tend to say it was in compliance with our petitions ? 
You must think the complaisance of your readers 
very great, to imagine they will credit your asser- 
tions at the expense of their own understandings. 

Neither is the use you make of the assigned rea- 
sons at all just. The consequences, so detrimental 
to the commercial interests of Great Britain, are 
not such as would have resulted from the natural 
operation of the Act, had it been submitted to ; 
but from the opposition made by us, and the cessa- 
tion of imports which had taken place. 

A non-importation (to which you have so violent 
an aversion) was the only thing that procured us 
redress on preceding occasions. We did not for- 
merly, any more than now, confine ourselves to 
petitions only ; but took care to adopt a more pre- 
vailing method ; to wit, — a suspension of trade. 

But what proves to a demonstration, that our 
former petitions were unsuccessful, is, that the grand 
object they aimed at was never obtained. This 
was, an exemption from Parliamentary taxation. 
Our addresses turned entirely upon this point. 
And so far were they from succeeding, that imme- 

VOL. I. 21 



162 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

diately upon the repeal of the Stamp Act, a subse- 
quent Act was passed, declaring the right of Parlia- 
ment to bind us by statutes in all cases what- 
soever. This declaration of the unlimited, univer- 
sal authority of Parliament, was a direct denial of 
the leading claim held up in our petition, and of 
course a rejection of the petition itself 

The same observations are applicable to the Re- 
venue Act, which, had our addresses been suc- 
cessful, would have been wholly, not partially, 
revoked ; and we should not, at this time, have 
had any occasion to renew our complaints ; but should 
have been in a state of security and tranquillity. 

In my former reflections on this head, I urged 
many considerations to show, that there is less 
reason now than ever, to expect deliverance by 
means of remonstrance and entreaty. And, indeed, 
if we consider the vindictive spirit diffused through 
the words and actions of our oppressors, we must 
be convinced of this. It impeaches the understand- 
ings of the ministry and the Parliament in the 
grossest manner, to suppose they have renewed 
their attempts, and taken such violent methods to 
carry them into execution, merely to have the 
pleasure of undoing the whole, in condescension 
to our prayers and complaints. The taxation of 
America is an object too near at heart to be re- 
signed unless from necessity : and, if they would 
not have abandoned the principle, there could be 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 163 

no reason to expect they would have desisted from 
the exercise of it in the present instance. For the 
duty upon tea is, in itself, very trifling ; and, since 
that is opposed, they could not hope to vary the 
mode in any way that would be less oifensive and 
less obnoxious to opposition. 

In answer to the instance I produced from the 
unsuccessful application of the Boston Assembly, 
you tell me, that " the Governor against whom the 
complaint was made, was called to a public trial 
before the only court where the cause was cog- 
nizable, the King in Council : but the Boston As- 
sembly could not support their charge ; and the 
Governor was acquitted." The truth is, their 
charge was extremely well supported in the eye 
of strict justice ; but it was destitute of the mere 
formalities of law, and, on this score, it was rejected. 
They accused him of treachery and falsehood, and 
produced his own letters against him. It was not 
admitted as a legal charge, or crimen ; nor the par- 
ty's letters as an evidence, or testis ; and, by these 
evasions, the criminal escaped the punishment he 
deserved ; and, instead of it, has been advanced 
to higher honours ; while the complainants were 
unreheved and insulted. I remember when the 
particulars of this transaction were first published, 
there was this circumstance mentioned ; that the 
petition in question, was pronounced at St. James', 
to be " a seditious, vexatious, and scandalous 
lihelr 



164 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

You tell me, " There is also this reason why we 
should, at least, have tried the mode of petition 
and remonstrance, to obtain a removal of the 
grievances we complain of: The friends of America, 
in England, have strongly recommended it as the 
most decent and probable means of succeeding." 
I wish you had been so kind as to have particu- 
larized those friends you speak of. I am inclined 
to believe, you would have found some difficulty 
in this. There have been some publications in the 
newspapers, said to be extracts of letters from 
England : but who were the authors of them 1 
How do you know they were not written in 
America ? or, if they came from England, that the 
writers of them were really sincere friends ? I 
have heard one or two persons named as the 
authors of some of these letters : but they were 
those whose sincerity we have the greatest reason 
to distrust. The general tenour of advice, from 
those with whose integrity we are best acquainted, 
has been, to place no dependence on the justice or 
clemency of Great Britain ; but to work out our 
deliverance by a spirited and self-denying opposi- 
tion. Restrictions on our trade, have been ex- 
pressly pointed out and recommended, as the only 
probable source of redress. 

You say, " If the information from England be 
true, we have, by our haughty demands, detached 
most of our friends there from our interest, and 
forced them to take part against us." Pray, sir. 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 165 

where did you get this information ? Is there any 
inhabitant of the invisible world that brings intel- 
ligence to you in a supernatural way ? There have 
been no arrivals from England, preceding the time 
you wrote your letter, that have brought any ac- 
count of the proceedings of the Congress being re- 
ceived there, or of the consequences resulting from 
them. Your information must have either come to 
you in a miraculous manner, or it must be a fiction 
of your own imagination. 

But there are other powerful reasons against 
trusting to petitions only, in our present circumstan- 
ces. The town of Boston is in a very critical situa- 
tion. Men, under sufferings, are extremely apt, 
either to plunge into desperation, or to grow dis- 
heartened and dejected. If the colonies, in gene- 
ral, appeared remiss, or unwilling to adopt vigorous 
measures, in order to procure the most speedy relief, 
the people of Massachusetts might perhaps have 
been hurried on to a rash and fatal conduct, or they 
might have become languid and lifeless. Delays 
are extremely dangerous in affairs of such A^ast 
consequence. 

The dispute might have been spun out by minis- 
terial artifice, till the generality of the people be- 
came careless and negligent, and, of course, fitter 
to be imposed upon, and less forward to assert their 
rights with firmness and spirit. The hand of 

BRIBERY MIGHT HAVE BEEN STRETCHED ACROSS THE 



166 THE FARMER REFUTED, 

Atlantic, and the number of domestic vipers in- 
creased among us. The ministry and their agents 
here, are active and subtile : nothing would have 
been neglected, that might have a tendency to de- 
ceive the io-norant and unwary, or to attract the dis- 
honest and avaricious. How great an influence, 
places, pensions, and honours, have upon the minds of 
men, we may easily discover, by contrasting the for- 
mer with the present conduct of some among our- 
selves. Many who, at the time of the Stamp Act, 
were loudest in the cause of liberty, and the most ar- 
dent promoters of the spirited proceedings on that 
occasion, have now, from patriots of the first magni- 
tude, dwindled into moderate men, friends to order 
and good government, dutiful and zealous ser- 
vants to the ministry. 

Had our petitions failed, we should have found 
our difficulties multiplied much more than we can 
imagine : and since there was the highest proba- 
bility of a failure, it would have been madness to 
have hazarded so much upon so unpromising a 
footing. 

It betrays an ignorance of human nature, to sup- 
pose, that a design formed and ripening for several 
years, against the liberties of any people, might be 
frustrated by the mere force of entreaty. Men 
must cease to be as fond of power as they are, be- 
fore this can be the case. 

I therefore infer, that if the Congress had not 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 167 

concerted other, more efficacious measures, they 
would have trifled away the liberties of their coun- 
try, and merited censure instead of approbation. 
Commercial regulations were the only peaceable 
means, from which we could have the least hope 
of success. These they have entered into ; and 
these, I maintain, must succeed, if they are not 
treacherously or pusillanimously infringed. 

You tell me, " I over-rate the importance of 
these colonies to the British empire ;" and proceed 
to make such assertions, as must convince every 
intelligent person, that you are either a mortal foe 
to truth, or totally ignorant of the matter you un- 
dertake. The following extracts will show whether 
my representations have been just or not. 

" Our plantations spend mostly our English 
manufactures ; and those of all sorts almost imagi- 
nable, in prodigious quantities; and employ near 
two-thirds of all our English shipping ; so that we 
have more people in England, by reason of our 
plantations in America* 

"We may safely advance, that our trade and 
navigation are greatly increased by our colonies ; 
and that they really are a source of treasure and 
naval power to this kingdom, since they work for 
us, and their treasure centres here. Before their 
settlement, our manufactures icere few, and those 
but indifferent; the number of English merchants 

* Postlethwaib 



168 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

very small ; and the whole shippinglo^ the nation, 
much inferior to what now belongs to the northern 
colonies only. These are certain facts. But since 
their establishment, our condition has altered for 
the better, almost to a degree beijond credibility. Our 
manufactures are prodigiously increased ; chiefly 
by the demand for them in the plantations, where 
they at least take off one-half, and supply us with 
many valuable commodities for exportation ; which 
is as great emolument to the mother kingdom as 
to the plantations themselves."* 

The same author says, in another place, "Before 
the settlement of these colonies, our manufactures 
were few, and those but indifferent. In those days, 
we had, not only our naval stores, but our ships, 
from our neighbours." 

" I shall sum up my whole remarks," says ano- 
ther writer, "on our American colonies, with this 
observation: that, as they are a certain annual 
revenue of several millions sterling to their mother 
country, they ought carefully to be protected, duly 
encouraged, and every opportunity that presents, 
improved for their increment and advantage; as 
every one they can possibly reap, must at last return 
to us with interest'^^ 

These quotations clearly prove, that the colo- 
nies are of the last importance to Great Britain. 

• Postlethwait. t Lex mercatoria. 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 169 

They not only take off vast quantities of her manu- 
factures, but furnish her with materials to extend 
her trade with foreign nations. They also supply 
her with naval stores, and, in a great measure, 
with a navy itself The present flourishing state 
of her commerce, is cliiefly to be attributed to the 
colonies who work for her, and whose treasure cen- 
tres in her. How unjust, therefore, is it in her, 
not to be satisfied with the advantages she has 
hitherto received from us, but to aim at depriving 
us of our freedom and happiness! And what 
ruinous consequences must flow from a cessation 
of our trade, on which her manufactures so much 
depend ! What prodigious numbers must be thrown 
out of employ and reduced to beggary and misery ! 

" But she is a great nation : has vast resources : 
may easily supply the want of our trade, by making 
very small concessions to Portugal, Russia, Turkey, 
&c. Should our non-importation distress her manu- 
factures, every man may employ himself to labour 
on a farm : and the price of grain would be much 
advanced in France, Spain, and the Mediterranean. 
Notwithstanding the present high cultivation of the 
lands in England, that kingdom is capable of being 
improved, by agriculture and commerce, so as to 
maintain double the number of people that it does 
at present. The improvements in Scotland within 
the last thirty years are amazing. The enterpris- 
ing spirit of the people, has opened an easy inter- 

voL. I. 22 



170 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

course between all parts of the country ; and they 
have been enriched by commerce to a surprising 
degree." 

I can hardly prevail upon myself to give a se- 
rious answer to such ridiculous rant : but it may 
be requisite for the sake of the uninformed; and 
of course it would be improper to decline it. 

The national debt is now about one hundred and 
forty millions sterling ; a debt unparalleled in the 
annals of any country besides. The surplus of the 
annual revenues, after paying the interest of this 
debt, and the usual expenses of the nation, is, upon 
an average, about one million and a quarter ster- 
ling:* so that, with all their present resources, 
they would not be able to discharge the public 
debt in less than one hundred and twelve years, 
should the peace continue all that time. It is well 
known that most of the necessaries of life are, at 
present, heavily taxed in Great Britain and Ireland. 
The common people are extremely impoverished, 
and find it very difficult to procure a subsistence. 
They are totally unable to bear any new imposi- 
tions ; and of course there can be no new internal 
sources opened. These are stubborn facts, and 
notorious to every person that has the least ac- 
quaintance with the situation of the two kingdoms. 



• See a calculation made by Blackstone. He says, the year '65, two mil- 
lions were paid, and three millions in the succeeding years ; i. e., five mil- 
lions in four years. 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 171 

Had there been the vast resources you speak of, 
why have they not been improved to exonerate the 
people, and discharge the enormous debt of the 
nation ? The guardians of the State have been a 
supine, negligent, and stupid pack indeed, to have 
overlooked, in the manner they have done, those 
numerous expedients they might have fallen upon 
for the relief of the public. It cannot be ex- 
pected, but that a war will take place in the course 
of a few years, if not immediately; and then, 
through the negligence of her rulers, Great Britain, 
already tottering under her burthens, will be 
obliged to increase them, till they become alto- 
gether insupportable, and she must sink under the 
weight of them. These considerations render it 
very evident, that the mighty resources you set 
forth, in such pompous terms, have nothing but an 
imaginary existence ; or they would not have been 
left so uncultivated in such necessitous and press- 
ing circumstances. 

You think you have nothing to do, but to men- 
tion the names of a few countries, Portugal, Russia, 
Turkey, &c., and you have found out an easy 
remedy for the inconveniences flowing from the 
loss of our trade. Yet, in truth. Great Britain 
carries on as extensive a commerce with those 
countries, and all others, as their circumstances 
will permit. Her trade is upon the decline with 
many of them. France has, in a great measure, 



172 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

supplanted her in Spain, Portugal, and Turkey ; 
and is continually gaining ground. Russia is in- 
creasing her own manufactures fast; and the de- 
mand for those of Great Britain must decrease in 
proportion. 

" Most of the nations of Europe have interfered 
with her, more or less, in divers of her staple manu- 
factures, within half a century ; not only in her 
woollen, but in her lead and tin manufactures, as 
well as her fisheries."* 

A certain writer in England, who has written 
on the present situation of affairs with great tem- 
per, deliberation, and apparent integrity, has these 
observations : " The condition of the great staple 
manufactures of our country is well known : those 
of the linen and the silk are in the greatest distress : 
and the woollen and the linen are now publicly ban- 
died, and contending against one another. One part 
of our people is starving at home on the alms of their 
parishes ; and another running abroad to this very 
country that we are contending with. The produce 
of North America, that used to be sent yearly to 
Great Britain, is reckoned at about four millions 
sterling: the manufactures of Great Britain, and 
other commodities returned from hence, at nearly 
the same sum : the debts due from America to the 
British merchants here, at about six millions, or a 
year and a half of that commerce. Supposing, 

* Postlethwait. 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 173 

therefore, the Americans to act in this case as they 
did in the time of the Stamp Act; we shall then 
have yearly, until the final settlement of this affair, 
manufactures, to the value of four millions sterHng, 
left and heaped on the hands of our merchants and 
master manufacturers : or we shall have workmen 
and poor people put out of employ and turned 
adrift in that proportion. There will likewise be 
drawn from our home consumption, and out of 
our general trade and traffic, North American com- 
modities to the same value : and debts, to the im- 
mense sum above-mentioned, will be withheld from 
private people here. What effects these things will 
produce, considering the present state of our trade, 
manufactures, and manufacturers, the condition of 
our poor at home, and the numbers of people running 
abroad, it do n't want many words to explain and 
set forth. They were before severely felt for the 
time that they lasted ; and it is apprehended, that 
the present situation of the public is yet more liable 
to the impression. These are some of the difficul- 
ties and distresses which we are, for a trial of 
skill, going to bring on ourselves ; and which will 
be perpetually magnifying and increasing as long 
as the unnatural contest shall continue." 

From these facts and authorities it appears un- 
questionable, that the trade of Great Britain, 
instead of being capable of improvement among 
foreign countries, is rather declining : and instead 



174 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

of her being able to bear the loss of our commerce, 
she stands in great need of more colonies to con- 
sume her manufactures. 

It is idle to talk of employing those who might 
be thrown out of business upon farms. All the 
lands in England, of any value, have been long 
ago disposed of, and are already cultivated as high 
as possible. The laborious farmers find it an ex- 
ceeding difficult task to pay their yearly taxes, and 
supply their families with the bare necessaries of 
life : and it would be impracticable to give em- 
ployment in agriculture to any more than are 
already engaged. We can have no doubt of this, 
if we consider the small extent of territory of Great 
Britain, the antiquity of its settlement, and the 
vast number of people it contains. It is rather 
overstocked with inhabitants : and were it not for 
its extensive commerce, it could not maintain near 
the number it does at present. This is acknow- 
ledged on all hands. None but yourself would 
hazard the absurdity of a denial. The emigrations 
from Great Britain, particularly from the north part 
of it, as well as the most authentic accounts, prove 
the contrary of your representations. Men are 
generally too much attached to their native coun- 
tries to leave it, and dissolve all their connexions, 
unless they are driven to it by necessity. The 
swarms that every year come over to Amer- 
ica, will never suffer any reasonable man to 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 175 

believe, upon the strength of your word, that the 
people in Scotland, or Ireland, are even in tolera- 
ble circumstances. 

I cannot forbear wondering, when you talk of the 
price of grain being advanced in France, Spain, and 
the Mediterranean, and insinuate that Great Bri- 
tain may be able to supply them. It will be well 
if she can raise grain enough for herself, so as not 
to feel the want of those considerable quantities 
she frequently gets from us. I am apt to think she 
will experience some inconveniences on this ac- 
count. 

With respect to Ireland, you think yourself un- 
der no obligation to point out where she may find 
purchasers for her linens so numerous and wealthy 
as we are ; but unless you could do this, you must 
leave that country in very deplorable circum- 
stances. It is not true, that she may do just as; 
well with her linens upon her hands, as we can 
with our flax seed upon ours. Linen is a staple 
manufacture of hers, and the sole means of subsist- 
ence to a large part of her inhabitants. Flax seed, 
as an article of commerce, is comparatively of little 
importance to us : but we shall stand in need of all 
the flax we can raise, to manufacture linens for 
ourselves; and therefore shall not lose our seed 
by ceasing to export it. I shall say more of this 
hereafter. 

Nor is it by any means a just inference, that be- 



176 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

cause Ireland formerly subsisted without a linen 
manufactory, she would not, therefore, severely feel 
any present obstruction to the sale of the article 
in question. Her burthens are now much more 
grievous than they formerly were ; and of course 
her resources ought to be proportionably greater, 
or she must sink under the pressure of them. The 
linen manufactory is, at this time, one of her most 
valuable resources, and could not be materially in- 
jured, or impeded, without producing the most 
melancholy effects. The distressed condition of 
Ireland will not admit of any diminution of her 
means, but pressingly demands an enlargement of 
them. 

It is of little moment to contest the possibility 
that that country might procure a sufficiency of flax 
elsewhere than from us, till it can be shown 
where she may find a mart for her linens equal to 
the American : and this you are not willing even 
to attempt. Yet I have credible information that 
she could not obtain from Holland much more than 
usual (for the reasons I before assigned) ; and that 
she has always had as much from the Baltic as she 
could conveniently get. With regard to Canada, 
any considerable supply from thence would be a 
work of time, and no relief to her immediate 
exigencies. 

I observed, in my former pamphlet, that " the 
Dutch may withhold their usual supplies : They 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 177 

may choose to improve the occasion for the ad- 
vancement of their own trade : They may take 
advantage of the scarcity of materials in Ireland, 
to increase and put off their own manufactures." 
You answer it by saying, "You never yet knew 
a Hollander who would withhold anything that 
would fetch him a good price." The force of 
my observation turns upon its being his interest to 
do it. You should have shown, that it would be 
more profitable to him to sell it to the Irish than 
to retain it for the purposes mentioned ; otherwise, 
that very avarice you ascribe to him, will operate 
as I supposed. 

You are unmercifully witty upon what I said 
concerning the West Indies : but the misfortune 
of it is, you have done nothing else than " blun- 
der round about my meaning." I will endeavour 
to explain myself in a manner more level to your 
capacity. 

The lands in the West Indies are extremely 
valuable, because they produce the sugar cane, 
which is a very lucrative plant ; but they are small 
in quantity, and therefore their proprietors appro- 
priate only small portions to the purpose of raising 
food. They are very populous, and therefore the 
food raised among themselves goes but little way. 
They could not afford sufficient sustenance to their 
inhabitants, unless they were chiefly or entirely 
applied to the production of necessaries ; because 

VOL. I. 23 



178 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

they are so small in quantity, and so thickly in- 
habited. 

These are truths which every person acquainted 
with the West Indies must acquiesce in : and 
should they be deprived of external succours, they 
must either starve, or suspend the cultivation of 
the sugar cane. The last is the best side of the 
dilemma ; but that would cut off an annual income 
of several millions sterling to Great Britain ; for it 
cannot admit of a doubt, that the chief part of the 
profits of the English West Indies, ultimately cen- 
tres there. 

But, in order to disappoint my malice, you tell 
me that Canada raises four hundred thousand 
bushels of wheat a year; and this, you imagine, 
will pretty well supply the wants of the West 
Indians : but give me leave to inform you, that it 
would not satisfy a tenth part of them. The sin- 
gle Island of Jamaica would require much more. 
At a moderate computation, I believe there are 
four hundred thousand people in the British West 
Indies only. Let us allow a pound of wheat a day 
upon an average, to each,* and make a calcula- 
tion accordingly. 

At a pound a day, every person must be supposed 



*This allowance cannot be thought too much, if we consider that the ne- 
groes live chiefly upon grain ; and must continue to do so; because the quan- 
tity of flesh and fish would be proportionably diminished when our supplies 
failed. 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 179 

to consume three hundred and sixty-five pounds a 
year ; that is, about twelve bushels. Now, as there 
are as many people as there are bushels of wheat 
raised in Canada ; and as each person would con- 
sume twelve bushels, it follows, that the quantity 
you mention, would not be above a twelfth part 
sufficient. 

But can we imagine, that all the wheat of 
Canada would be devoted to the use of the British 
West Indies ? If our ports were to be blocked up, 
would not the French and Spanish islands be in 
great distress for provisions ? And have not the 
Canadians any near connexions among them ? 
Would they not naturally sympathize with them, 
and do all in their power to afford relief? And 
could they find no means to accomplish their in- 
clinations ? The answer to these questions is easy. 
The islands belonging to the French and Spaniards 
will be greatly distressed : The Canadians will be 
very ready and desirous to assist them : And they 
W'ill contrive some expedients to communicate a 
large share of what their country yields. 

What you say concerning the lumber exported 
from Canada is totally false. That country labours 
under many inconveniencies which have hitherto 
prevented the exportation of that article, but in 
very small quantities, and of a particular kind. The 
places wiiere the lumber grows, are so far distant 
from the seaports, that the expense of transporta- 



180 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

tion is too great to make it worth while to ship 
any other than butt staves, and these must he 
brought quite from Lake Champlain. This disad- 
vantage, together with tlie number of hands it 
would require, and the time necessary to enter ex- 
tensively into any branch of trade, and to remove 
all the impediments naturally in the way, would 
render the situation of the West Indians truly 
pitiable, were they once necessitated to depend 
upon Canada only, for supplies of lumber. 

The attention of Mississippi is entirely engrossed 
in raising corn and indigo. The advantage arising 
from these articles, is much greater than would re- 
sult from lumber ; and of course the people of that 
country will never attend to the latter in prefer- 
ence to the former. 

Thus have I proved, in a full, clear, and conclusive 
manner, that a cessation of our trade with Great 
Britain, Ireland, and the West Indies, would be 
productive of the most fatal consequences to them 
all; and that, therefore, the peace, happiness, and 
safety, of the British empire, are connected with 
the redress of our grievances ; and, if they are at 
all consulted, our measures cannot fail of success. 

As to the justice of proceeding in the manner 
we have done, it must depend upon the necessity 
of such a mode of conduct. If the British Parlia- 
ment are claiming and exercising an unjust authori- 
ty, we are right in opposing it, by every necessary 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 181 

means. If remonstrances and petitions have been 
heretofore found ineffectual (and we have no rea- 
sonable ground to expect the contrary at present), 
it is prudent and justifiable to try other methods, 
and these can only be, restrictions on trade. Our 
duty to ourselves and posterity, supersedes the du- 
ties of benevolence to our fellow-subjects in Great 
Britain, Ireland, and the West Indies. 

You can never confute the arguments I before 
made use of on this head, unless you can prove the 
right of Parliament to act as it has done ; or the 
likelihood of succeeding by petitions. Your feeble 
endeavours to effect this, I have sufficiently baffled. 
You must now collect new forces, and make a more 
vigorous effort, or you must quit the field in dis- 
grace. 

Such vociferation as this is not to be admitted 
instead of argument : " Are the Irish and West 
Indians accountable for our mad freaks ? Do you 
expect to extend the tyranny of the Congress over 
the whole British empire, by the legerdemain of 
calling it American freedom ? Do you think that 
the Irish and West Indians are in duty bound to 
enter into our non-importation, non-consumption, 
and non-exportation agreements, till our griev- 
ances, real or pretended, are removed ? And that 
they deserve to be starved if they do not? Enjoy 
your folly and malevolence if you can." 



182 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

The resistance* we are making to Parliamenta- 
ry tyranny, cannot wear the aspect of mad freaks 
to any, but such mad imaginations as yours. It 
will be deemed virtuous and laudable by every 
ingenuous mind. When I said that the people of 
Great Britain, Ireland, and the West Indies, were 
to be considered ?i^ politically cnmm^X, for remain- 
ing neutral while our privileges were attacked ; I 
did not mean that they ought to enter into any of 
the above mentioned agreements ; but that it was 
their duty to signify, in a public manner, their dis- 
approbation of the measures carrying on, and to 
use all their influence to have them laid aside. Had 
they interested themselves in the affair, with any 
degree of zeal and earnestness, we should not, 
probably, have had occasion to act as we do ; and 
they would not have been in danger of their pre- 
sent calamities. Their obligation to assist us in 
the preservation of our rights, is of the very same 
nature with ours, to carry on a trade with them. 

But you insist upon it, we should not be able to 
live without the manufactures of Great Britain; 
and that Ave should be ruined by a prohibition of 
our exports. "The first winter after our English 
goods are consumed, we shall be starving with 
cold :" after all our endeavours, " the requisite 

* 1 mean the general resistance. That there have been some irregularities 
committed in America, I freely confess. It would be miraculous and incon- 
sistent with human nature, for a people in such critical and trying circum- 
stances, to act perfectly right. 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 188 

quantity of wool to clothe the inhabitants of this 
continent, could not be obtained in twenty years." 
As to cotton, it " must come from the southern 
colonies ; and the expense of bringing it by land, 
would be too great for the poor. Besides, we have 
nobody to manufacture our materials after we have 
got them." All these, you think, are insuperable 
obstacles; and would, if duly considered, induce 
us to bend our necks tamely and quietly to the 
proffered yoke, as much less dreadful than the 
evils attendant upon our measures will inevitably be. 

Nature has disseminated her blessings variously 
throughout this continent. Some parts of it are 
favorable to some things, others to others ; some 
colonies are best calculated for grain ; others for 
flax and hemp ; others for cotton ; and others for 
live stock of every kind. By this means, a mutu- 
ally advantageous intercourse may be established 
between them all. If we were to turn our atten- 
tion from external to internal commerce, we should 
give greater stability, and more lasting prosperity, 
to our country, than she can possibly have other- 
wise. We should not then import the luxuries and 
vices of foreign climes ; nor should we make such 
hasty strides to public corruption and depravity. 

Let all those lands, which are rich enough to 
produce flax and hemp, be applied to that purpose : 
and let such parts as have been a long time settled, 
still continue to be appropriated to grain, or other 



184 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

things they are fit for. We shall want as much of 
the former articles as can be raised ; and perhaps 
as much of the latter, as may be requisite towards 
the due improvement of the poorer part of our soil. 
Let it be considered, that the colonies which are 
adapted to the production of materials for manu- 
factures, will not be employed in raising grain, but 
must take what they use, chiefly from the other 
colonies ; and, in return, supply their materials. 
By this means, and by dedicating no more of our 
land to the raising of wheat, rye, corn, &c., than is 
incapable of producing other things, we shall find 
no superfluity of those articles; and shall make a 
very beneficial use of all our lands. This is practi- 
cable : ditficulties may be started, but none which 
perseverance and industry may not overcome. 

The clothes we already have in use, and the 
goods at present in the country, will, with care, 
be sufficient to last three ijears. * During that time, 
we shall be increasing our sheep as much as possi- 
ble. It is unfair to judge of the future from the 
past. Hitherto we have paid no great attention to 
them : we have killed and exported as fast as we 
could obtain a sale. When we come to attend 
properly to the matter, to kill but few, and to ex- 

* I may be thought hereto contradict my former assertion, to wit, that in 
eighteen months, all the goods we have among us will be consumed ; but I 
only meant, that all the goods in the hands of the merchants would be pur- 
chased and taken off. 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 185 

port none, we shall, in the course of two or three 
years, have large numbers of sheep ; and wool 
enough to go a considerable way towards clothing 
ourselves. 

Flax and hemp we should undoubtedly have in 
abundance. The immense tracts of new rich land, 
which may be planted with these articles, would 
yield immense quantities of them. What large 
supplies of seed do we annually export to Ireland ! 
When we come to withhold these, and make the 
cultivation of flax and hemp a matter of serious 
attention, we shall soon procure a plenty of them. 
In speaking of this matter, you confine your views 
to the single small province of New- York. You 
say, " We sow already as much flax as we can 
conveniently manage. Besides, it requires a rich 
free soil ; nor will the same ground in this country 
produce flax a second time, till after an interval of 
five or six years. If the measures of the Congress 
should be carried into full effect, I confess we may, 
in a year or two, want a large quantity of hemp 
for the executioner. But I fear we must import it. 
It exhausts the soil too much to be cultivated in 
the old settled parts of the province." 

There is land enough in the other provinces, 
that is rich, free, and new ; nor is it at all liable to 
the objections you make. As to this particular 
province, and any others in the same circumstances, 

VOL. I. 24 



186 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

let only such parts as are fit, be planted with the 
articles in question ; and let the rest be managed 
as before. Much more may be produced in this, 
than has been hitherto ; but if it could not afford 
a sufficiency for itself, let it exchange its grain with 
other colonies that superabound with such mate- 
rials. 

If we sow already as much flax as we can con- 
veniently manage, it is because the chief of our 
attention is engrossed by other things : but the sup- 
position is, that there will be less demand for them, 
and more for flax ; and, by attending less to present 
objects, we shall have it in our power for the fu- 
ture to sow and manage much more flax than in 
the time past. 

With respect to cotton, you do not pretend to deny 
that a sufficient quantity of that might be produced. 
Several of the southern colonies are so favorable to 
it, that with due cultivation, in a couple of years, 
they would afford enough to clothe the whole con- 
tinent.* 

As to the expense of bringing it by land, the best 

* When it is recollected, that when this was written, cotton 
(the great staple of the South), was almost unknown as an 
article of commerce; the far-reaching anticipations of the author, 
in this respect, which, in our own day, are so completely fulfilled, 
evince powers of mind, certainly remarkable in a stripling of 
eighteen. — [Editor.] 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 187 

way will be, to manufacture it where it grows, 
and afterwards transport it to the other colonies. 
Upon this plan, I apprehend, the expense would 
not be greater than to build and equip large ships 
to import the manufactures of Great Britain from 
thence. 

The difficulty of transportation would be attended 
with one great advantage. It would give employ- 
ment and bread to a number of people ; and would, 
among other things, serve to prevent there being 
those terrific bands of thieves, robbers, and high- 
waymen, which you endeavour to draw up in such 
formidable array against the Congress. 

It would, however, be hardly possible to block 
up our ports in such a manner as to cut off all 
communication between the colonies by water. 

There would remain some avenues, in spite of all 
that could be done ; and we should not be idle in 
making proper use of them. 

I mentioned before the vast quantities of skins 
in America, which would never let us want a warm 
and comfortable suit. This is one of our principal 
resources ; and this you have passed over in silence. 
A suit made of skins would not be quite so elegant 
as one of broadcloth ; but it would shelter us from 
the inclemency of the winter full as well. 

Upon the whole, considering all the resources we 
have, and tlie time we shall have to prepare them 
before we are in actual want, there can be no 



188 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

room to doul)t, that we may live without the man- 
ufactures of Great Britain, if we are careful, frugal, 
and industrious. 

But it is said, we have no persons to manufacture 
our materials after we have provided them. 
Among the swarms of emigrants that have, within 
these few years past, come to the continent, there 
are numbers of manufacturers in the necessary 
branches. These, for want of encouragement in 
their own occupations, have been obliged to apply 
themselves to other methods of getting a living, 
but would be glad of an opportunity to return to 
them. Besides these, we should soon have a 
plenty of workmen from Great Britain and Ireland. 
Numbers who would be thrown out of employ 
there, would be glad to flock to us for subsistence. 
They would not stay at home and be miserable, 
while there was any prospect of encouragement 
here. Neither is there any great difficulty in ac- 
quiring a competent knowledge of the manufac- 
turing arts. In a couple of years, many of our own 
people might become proficient enough to make 
the coarser kinds of stuffs and linens. 

But, if it should be necessary, we have other re- 
sources besides all these. It will be impossible 
for the ships of Great Britain to line the vast ex- 
tended coast of this continent, in such a manner as 
to preclude the admission of foreign aids and sup- 
plies. After every possible precaution against it. 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 189 

we shall still be able to get large quantities of 
goods from France and Holland.* 

I shall conclude this head with one more obser- 
vation, which is this : That all such as may be 
deprived of business by the operation of our mea- 
sures in America, may be employed in cultivating 
lands. We have enough and to spare. It is of no 
force to object, that " when our exports are 
stopped, our grain would become of little worth." 
They can be occupied in raising other things that 
will be more wanted, to wit, materials for manu- 
factures ; and only a sufficiency of provisions for 
their own use. In such a country as this, there can 
be no great difficulty in finding business for all its 
inhabitants. Those obstacles which, to the eye of 
timidity, or disaffection, seem like the Alps, would, 
to the hand of resolution and perseverance, be- 
come mere hillocks. 

Once more I insist upon it, that Great Britain can 
never force us to submission by blocking up our 
ports ; and that the consequences of such a proce- 
dure to herself, Ireland, and the West Indies, 
would be too fatal to admit of it. If she is deter- 
mined to enslave us, it must be by force of arms; 
and to attempt this, I again assert, would be 

* You may perhaps tell me here, that I contradict the sentiments I formerly 
delivered, respecting unlawful trade. But it is by no means the case I de- 
spise the practice of avaricious smugglers very heartily ; but when a whole peo- 
ple are invaded, there can be no law of any force against their procuring every 
needful succour. 



190 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

nothing less than the grossest infatuation, madness 
itself. 

Whatever may be said of the disciplined troops 
of Great Britain, the event of the contest must be 
extremely doubtful. There is a certain enthusiasm 
in liberty, that makes human nature rise above 
itself in acts of bravery and heroism. It cannot be 
expected that America would yield, without a mag- 
nanimous, persevering, and bloody struggle. The 
testimony of past ages, and the least knowledge of 
mankind, must suffice to convince us of the con- 
trary. We have a recent instance in Corsica, to 
what lengths a people will go in defence of its 
liberties: and if we take a view of the colonies in 
general, we must perceive that the pulse of Amer- 
icans beats high in their country's cause. Let us, 
then, suppose the arms of Great Britain triumphant, 
and America mutilated, exhausted, and vanquish- 
ed. What situation will Great Britain then be in ? 
What laurels will she reap from her conquests ? 
Alas, none ! Every true friend to that deluded 
country, must shudder at the prospect of her self- 
destroying success. The condition we should be 
left in, would disable us from paying the six mil- 
lions sterling, which is due for the manufactures of 
Great Britain. Instead of the present millions de- 
rived annually from our trade, we should be so 
distressed and reduced, as to be, for many years to 
come, a burthen, and not an advantage. Millions 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 191 

are soon dispensed in supporting fleets and armies. 
Much British treasure and blood would be ex- 
pended in e fleeting our ruin. 

This, then, would be the situation of Great Bri- 
tain. Her public debt would be augmented sev- 
eral millions. Her merchants, who are one of the 
principal sources of her opulence, would, many of 
them, become bankrupt, by the loss of the vast sums 
due them in America. Her manufactures would 
stagnate and decay, and her revenues would be 
considerably diminished. This continent, which 
is now a rich source of wealth and strength, would 
be debilitated and depressed. 

Would the ancient rivals and enemies of Great 
Britain be idle at such a conjuncture as this ? 
Would they not eagerly seize the opportunity to 
recover their former losses, and revenge the evils 
they have sustained on former occasions ? It will 
be said. This is possible, but it may not happen. 
I answer, Causes must fail of their usual eflfects if 
it does not. Princes and nations must cease to be 
ambitious and avaricious. The French, from be- 
ing a jealous, politic, and enterprizing people, must 
be grown negligent, stupid, and inattentive to their 
own interest. They never could have a fairer op- 
portunity, or a greater temptation to aggrandize 
themselves, and triumph over Great Britain than 
would be here presented. Let us imagine England 
immersed in a war with France, Spain, or any 



192 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

other potent neighbour ; with her public debt in- 
creased ; some of her best springs dried up; and 
America ruined : not only unable to afford her any 
assistance, but, perhaps, fired with resentment, 
and a sense of accumulated injuries, ready to 
throw itself into the arms of her enemies. In these 
circumstances, what would be the fate of this un- 
happy kingdom ? Every man of discernment must 
be convinced that ruin would be unavoidable. 

But what reason have we to believe the arms of 
Great Britain would prevail ? It will be repUed, 
Because she can send against us some of the best 
troops in the world, either with respect to valour 
or discipline ; and because we have only a raw, 
unexperienced militia to oppose them with. Dis- 
cipline and military skill are certainly matters of 
great importance, and give those to whom they 
belong, a vast superiority ; but they do not render 
them invincible. Superior numbers, joined to 
natural intrepidity, and that animation which is 
inspired by a desire of freedom, and a love of one's 
country, may very well overbalance those advan- 
tages. 

I imagine, it will be readily allowed, that Great 
Britain could not spare an army of above fifteen thou- 
sand men to send against the colonies. These would 
have to subdue near six hundred thousand. The 
established rule of computing the number of men 
capable of bearing arms in any nation, is by taking 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 193 

a fifth part of the whole people. By the best cal- 
culations, we are supposed, in America, to exceed 
three millions. The fifth part of three millions is 
six hundred thousand. But in order to be certain 
of our computation, let us suppose there are only 
five hundred thousand fighting men in the colo- 
nies. Then there will be upwards of thirty 
Americans to one British soldier. A great dispa- 
rity indeed ! And such as never can be compen- 
sated by any discipline or skill whatever ! It will 
be objected, that these five hundred thousand 
cannot act together. I grant it : nor is there any 
occasion that they should. Forty thousand will 
be a sufficient number to make head at a time ; and 
these must be kept up by fresh supplies as fast as 
there is any diminution. 

Let it be remembered, that there are no large 
plains for the two armies to meet in, and decide 
the contest by some decisive stroke ; where any 
advantage gained by either side, might be prose- 
cuted till a complete victory was obtained. The 
circumstances of our country put it in our power 
to evade a pitched battle. It will be better policy 
to harass and exhaust the soldiery, by frequent 
skirmishes and incursions, than to take the open 
field with them, by which means they would have 
the full benefit of their superior regularity and 
skill. Americans are better qualified for that 
kind of fighting, which is most adapted to this 

VOL. I. 25 



194 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

country, than regular troops. Should the soldiery 
advance into the country, as they would be 
obliged to do if they had any inclination to subdue 
us, their discipline would be of little use to them. 
We should, in that case, be at least upon an 
equality with them, in any respect ; and as we 
should have the advantage, on many accounts, 
they would be likely to gain nothing by their at- 
tempts. 

Several of the colonies are now making prepa- 
ration for the worst (and indeed the best way to 
avoid a civil war, is to be prepared for it). They 
are disciplining men as fast as possible ; and, in a 
few months, will be able to produce many thou- 
sands, not so much inferior in the essentials of 
discipline as may, perhaps, be imagined. A little 
actual service will put them very nearly upon a 
footing with their enemies. The history of the 
Swedes and Russians, under Charles XII., and Peter 
the Great, will teach us how soon a people, pos- 
sessed of natural bravery, may be brought to equal 
the most regular troops. The Swedes, at first, 
obtained very signal advantages; but, after a while, 
the Russians learned to defeat them with equal 
numbers. It is true, there was one of the greatest 
men the world has seen, at the head of the latter ; 
but there was one who emulated the Macedonian 
conqueror, at the head of the former. Charles 
was, perhaps, never surpassed by any man in cou- 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 195 

rage, or skill : and his soldiers were well worthy 
of such a general. There is also this important 
circumstance in our favour, when compared with 
the Russians. They were barbarous and untracta- 
ble. We are civilized and docile. They were 
ignorant even of the theory of war. We are well 
acquainted with it ; and, therefore, should more 
easily be brought to the practice of it, and be 
sooner tauijht that order and method which we are 
deficient in. 

It is sometimes urged, that we have no experi- 
enced officers to command us. We labour under 
some disadvantage in this respect, but not so great 
as is believed. There are many who have served in 
the last war with reputation, dispersed throughout 
the colonies. These might have the superior direc- 
tion of matters : and there are men enough of known 
sense and courage, who would soon make excel- 
lent officers. During the disputes between the un- 
fortunate Charles and the Parliament, many coun- 
try gentlemen served in the armies of the latter, 
andsignalized themselves for their military virtues. 
It is worthy of observation, that the present state 
of the army is not the most favorable. As is always 
the consequence of a long peace, there are many 
effeminate striplings among the officers, wiio are 
better calculated to marshal the forces of VenuSy, 
than to conduct the sturdy sons of Mars. There 
are, comparatively, but few veterans, either among 
the leaders, or the common soldiers. 



196 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

You ask me, What resources have the colonies 
to pay, clothe, arm, and feed their troops ? I refer 
you to the accounts from Viri^inia and Marblehead, 
for an answer to this question. Our troops, on the 
spot with us, wall be much more easily maintained, 
than those of Great Britain at such a distance. We 
are not so poor and encumbered, as to be unable to 
support those w-ho are immediately employed in 
defending our liberties. Our country abounds in 
provisions. We have already materials enough 
among us, to keep us in clothes, longer than Great 
Britain would hav^e any appetite to continue her 
hostilities. Several of tlie colonies are pretty well 
stored with ammunition. France, Spain, and Hol- 
land, w^ould find means to supply us with whatever 
we wanted. 

Let it not be said, that this last is a bare possi- 
bility/ : that France and Spain have promised not 
to interfere in the dispute; and that Holland has 
long been a faithful ally to the British nation. 
There is the highest degree of probability in the 
case. A more desirable object to France and 
Spain, than the disunion of these colonies from 
Great Britain, cannot be imagined. Every dictate 
of policy and interest, would prompt them to for- 
w^ard it by every possible means. They could not 
take any so effectual method to destroy the grow- 
ing power of their great rival. The promises of 
princes and statesmen are of little weight. They 
never bind longer, than till a strong temptation 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 197 

offers to break them : and they are frequently 
made with a sinister design. If we consult the 
known character of the French, we shall be dis- 
posed to conclude, that their present seemingly 
pacific and friendly disposition, is merely a piece of 
finesse, intended to dupe administration into some 
violent measures with the colonies, that they may 
improve them to their own advantage. The most 
that can be expected, is, that they would refrain 
from an open rupture with Great Britain. They 
would undoubtedly take every clandestine method 
to introduce among us, supplies of those things 
which we stood in need of to carry on the dispute. 
They would not neglect any thing in their power, 
to make the opposition on our part as vigorous and 
obstinate as our affairs would admit of. 

With respect to Holland, notwithstanding ex- 
press engagements to the contrary, her merchants, 
during the last war, were constantly supplying the 
French and Spaniards with military stores, and 
other things they had occasion for. The same, or, 
perhaps, more powerful motives, would influence 
them to assist us in a like manner. 

But it seems to nie a mark of great credulity to 
behove, upon the strength of their assurance, that 
France and Spain would not take a still more in- 
teresting part in the affair. The disjunction of 
these colonies from Great Britain, and the acquisi- 
tion of a free trade with them, are objects of too 



198 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

inviting a complexion, to suffer those kingdoms to 
remain idle spectators of the contention. If they 
found us inclined to throw ourselves upon their 
protection, they would eagerly embrace the op- 
portunity to weaken their antagonist, and strength- 
en themselves. Superadded to these general and 
prevailing inducements, there are others of a more 
particular nature. They would feel no small in- 
convenience in the loss of those supplies they an- 
nually get from us ; and their islands in the West 
Indies would be in the greatest distress for want 
of our trade. 

From these reflections it is more than probable, 
that America is able to support its freedom, even 
by the force of arms, if she be not betrayed by 
her own sons. And, in whatever light we view 
the matter, the consequences to Great Britain 
would be too destructive to permit her to proceed 
to extremities, unless she has lost all just sense 
of her own interest. 

You say, "The grand Congress, the piddling 
committees, through the continent, have all dis- 
claimed their subjection to the sovereign authority 
of the empire. They deny the authority of Par- 
liament to make any laws to bind them at all. 
They claim an absolute independency. Great 
Britain has no choice, but to declare the colo- 
nies independent States, or to try the force of arms^ 
in order to bring them to a sense of their duty." 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 199 

It is the common trick of ministerial writers, to 
represent the Congress as having made some new 
demands, which were unknown to former times ; 
whereas, in truth, they have, in substance, ac- 
knowledged the only dependence on Parliament 
which was ever intended by their predecessors. 
Nor is it true, that they have claimed an absolute 
independency. It is insulting common sense to say 
so, when it is notorious that they have acknow- 
ledged the right of Parliament to regulate the 
trade of the colonies. Any further dependence 
on it, is unnecessary and dangerous. They have 
professed allegiance to the British King, and have 
bound themselves, on any emergency, to contri- 
bute their proportion of men and money, to the 
defence and protection of the whole empire. Can 
this be called absolute ifidependency ? Is it better 
for Great Britain to hazard the total loss of these 
colonies, than to hold them upon these conditions ? 
Is it preferable to make enemies of the people of 
America, instead of being connected with them, 
by the equal tie of fellow-subjects ? Is it not 
madness, to run the risk of losing the trade of 
these colonies, from which the mother country 
drew* " more clear profit than Spain has drawn 
from all her mines," because they insist only 

• See Shipley's Speech. 



200 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

upon all the essential rights of freemen ? You 
may call it effrontery, consummate assurance, or 
what you please, to say so : but every man, capa- 
ble of taking a full prospect of all the probable 
mischiefs which may result from an open rupture 
between Great Britain and the colonies, will coin- 
cide with me, when I affirm, that nothing but the 
Yno'&i frantic extravagance, can influence administra- 
tion to attempt the reduction of America by force 
of arms. 

It is sufficiently evident, from the respective 
charters, that the rights we now claim, are coeval 
with the original settlement of these colonies. 
These rights have been, at diflferent times, stren- 
uously asserted, though they have been suffered 
to be violated in several instances, through inat- 
tention, or, perhaps, an unwillingness to quarrel 
with the mother country. I shall decline pro- 
ducing anv other proofs of the sense of the other 
provinces than those already mentioned, and shall 
confine myself to a few extracts from the resolves 
of some assemblies of this province. 

In 1691, there was an Act passed by the Gene- 
ral Assembly, which contained the following 
clauses.! 

" Be it enacted, by the Governor, Council, and 

t This Act is very remarkable. It was drawn up by Messrs. Tazewell and 
Emmett, two gentlemen appointed by the governor for the purpose, and re- 
mained six years in England before there was a negative put upon it. 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 201 

Representatives, met in General Assembly, and it 
is hereby enacted and declared by the authority 
of the same, that the supreme legislative povjer 
and authority, under their Majesties, William and 
Mary, King and Queen of England, &c., shall, for 
ever be, and reside, in a Governor-in-Chief and 
Council, appointed by their Majesties, their heirs 
and successors, and the people, by their represen- 
tatives met and convened in General Assembly. 

" That no freeman shall be taken or imprisoned, 
or be deprived of his freehold, or life, or liberty, 
or free customs, or outlawed, or exiled, or any 
otherways destroyed ; nor shall be passed upon, 
adjudged, or condemned, but by the lawful judg- 
ment of his peers, and hy the law of the provi7ice. 

" That no aid, tax, tallage, custom, loan, benevo- 
lence, gift, excise, duty, or imposition whatsoever, shall 
be laid, assessed, imposed, levied, or required of, 
or on, any of their Majesties subjects within this 
province, &c., or their estates, upon any manner of 
colour or pretence whatsoever, but by the act and 
consent of the Governor and Council, and Repre- 
sentatives of the people, in General Assembly met 
and convened." 

This Act shows clearly, the sense of his Majesty's 
representative, his Council, and the Assembly of 
this Province, above eighty years ago, which was, 
that the supreme legislative authority, and the ex- 
clusive power of taxation, should for ever be, and 

VOL. I. 26 



202 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

reside, in a Governor-in-Chief and Council, ap- 
pointed by their Majesties, their heirs and succes- 
sors; and the people, by their representatives, met 
and convened in General Assembly. 

We may also infer from hence, that the other 
colonies actually enjoyed similar privileges at that 
time : for it would have been the height of pre- 
sumption, in this province, to claim such important 
immunities, had not the others been in possession 
of the like. " > 

This Act, of itself, confutes all that has been said 
concerning the novelty of our present claims ; and 
proves, that the injurious reflections on the Con- 
gress, for having risen in their demands, are 
malicious and repugnant to truth. 

You have produced some expressions of the 
Congress and Assembly of this province, in 1765, 
which you lay great stress upon. The true mean- 
ing of them may be gathered from the following 
passage, wiiich is taken from the same piece that 
contains the expressions in question. The Con- 
gress speak thus : " It is humbly submitted, 
wdiether there be not a material distinction, in 
reason and sound policy at least, between the 
necessary exercise of parliamentary jurisdiction, 
in general Acts for the amendment of the common 
law, and the regulation of trade and commerce 
through the whole empire ; and the exercise of 
that jurisdiction by imposing taxes on the colonies." 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 203 

They allow only a power of making general Acts 
for the amendment of the common law, and for the 
general regulation of trade. As to any special 
laws to bind the colonies, in particular, they never 
intended submission to these : nor could they in- 
tend a right to impose special duties, of any kind, 
for the purpose of raising a revenue ; which is, to 
all intents and purposes, a species of taxation. 

The Resolves of our Assembly, the last day of 
December, 1771, about three years afterwards, 
will serve as a full explanation. " As it is, not 
only the common birthright of all his Majesty's 
subjects, but is also essential to the preservation 
of the peace, strength, and prosperity of the 
British empire, that an exact equality of constitu- 
tional rights, among all his Majesty's subjects, in 
the several parts of the empire, be uniformly and 
invariably maintained and supported ; and as it 
would be inconsistent with the constitutional 
rights of his Majesty's subjects in Great Britain, 
to tax them, either in person, or estate, without 
the consent of their representatives, in Parliament 
assembled ; It is therefore 
Resolved, nemine contradicente : 

" That it is the opinion of this Committee, that 
710 tax under any name, or denomination, or on any 
^pretence, or for any purpose whatsoever, can or ought 
to be imposed, or levied, upon the persons, estates, 
or property, of his Majesty's good subjects within 



204 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

this colony, hut of their free gift, hij their represen- 
tatives lawfully convened in General Assembly. 

"That it is the opinion of this Committee, that 
this colony lawfully and constitutionally has, and 
enjoys, an internal legislature, in which the Crown 
and the people of this colony, are constitutionally 
represented : and that the power and authority of 
the said legislature cannot lawfully or constitutionally 
he suspended, abridged, abrogated, or annulled, by any 
power or prerogative whatsoever ; the prerogative of 
the Crown, ordinarily exercised for prorogations 
and dissolutions, only excepted." 

A supreme authority, in the Parliament, to make 
any special laws for this province, consistent with 
the internal legislature here claimed, is impossible, 
and cannot be supposed, without falling into that 
solecism in politics, of imperium in imperio. 

I imagine, sir, I have, by this time, pretty fully 
and satisfactorily answered every thing contained 
in your letter of any consequence. The parts I 
have left unattended to, are such as cannot ope- 
rate, materially, to the prejudice of the cause I 
espouse ; but I should not have neglected them, 
had it not been, that I have already taken a very 
ample range ; and it would, perhaps, be imprudent 
to delay a conclusion. 

Whatever opinion may be entertained of my 
sentiments and intentions, I attest that Being, 
whose all-seeing eye penetrates the inmost recesses 



THE FARMER REFUTED. 205 

of the heart, that I am not influenced (in the part 
I take) by any unworthy motive. — That, if I am 
in an errour, it is my judgment, not my heart, that 
errs. — That I earnestly lament the unnatural quarrel 
between the parent State and the colonies ; and 
most ardently wish for a speedy reconciliation — a 
perpetual and mutually beneficial union. — That I 
am a warm advocate for limited monarchy, and an 
unfeigned well-wisher to the present Royal Family. 

But, on the other hand, I am inviolably attached 
to the essential rights of mankind, and the true 
interests of society. I consider civil liberty, in a 
genuine, unadulterated sense, as the greatest of 
terrestrial blessings. I am convinced, that the 
whole human race is entitled to it ; and that it 
can be wrested from no part of them, without the 
blackest and most aggravated guilt. 

I verily believe, also, that the best way to secure 
a permanent and happy union between Great 
Britain and the colonies, is to permit the latter to 
be as free as they desire. To abridge their liber- 
ties, or to exercise any power over them, which 
they are unwilling to submit to, would be a per- 
petual som-ce of discontent and animosity. A con- 
tinual jealousy would exist on both sides. This 
would lead to tyranny on the one hand, and to 
sedition and rebellion on the other. Impositions, 
not really grievous in themselves, would be thought 
so : and the murmurs arising from thence, would 



206 THE FARMER REFUTED. 

be considered as the effect of a turbulent, un- 
governable spirit. These jarring principles, would 
at length throw all things into disorder, and be 
productive of an irreparable breach, and a total 
disunion. 

That harmony and mutual confidence may spee- 
dily be restored between all the parts of the 
British empire, is the favourite wish of one who 
feels the warmest sentiments of good will to man- 
kind ; who bears no enmity to you ; and who is 
A Sincere Friend to America. 



1775.] REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL. 207 



" In June, seventeen hundred and seventy-five, with a view to 
confirm the opinion, that the English ministry had abandoned 
every regard to the principles of her constitution, he published a 
series of " Remarks on the Quebec Bill," a measure which had 
been resisted in the British Parliament by the whole force of the 
opposition. * # * * 

" The " Remarks" were published in two numbers. The first 
on the fifteenth of June, 1775, in a brief, but close examination 
of the terms of the Act. * * # * 

" The purport of the second number, was to prove that the 
Church of Rome had the sanction of a legal establishment in that 
province. It is an able refutation of an essay, which professed to 
show, that by this Act, the catholic religion was merely tolerated; 
and, giving a very precise and accurate definition of an established 
religion, it deduces clearly, from the terms of the Act, that the 
Catholic religion is placed on the footing of a regular establish- 
ment ; while the Protestant is " left entirely destitute and unbe- 
friended." 

" These essays are an interesting specimen of the early* reach 
of thought, and precision of language, which were afterwards 
disclosed by him in so remarkable a degree." — Life of Hamilton^ 
by his Son. — p. 45-6, vol. 1. 

* Hamilton was barely more than eighteen year? and six months old when 
these "Remarks" were written by him: the "Full Vindication," and the 
" Farmer Refuted," he produced, the former six, and the latter four, months 
previously. — [Kditok.] 



208 REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL. 

NO. I. 

In compliance with my promise to the pubhc, 
and in order to rescue truth from the specious dis- 
guise with which it has been clothed, I shall now 
offer a few remarks on the Act, entitled " An Act 
for making more effectual provision for the govern- 
ment of the province of Quebec in North Ameri- 
ca:" whereby I trust it will clearly appear, that 
arbitrary power, and its great engine, the Popish 
religion, are, to all intents and purposes, estab- 
lished in that province. 

While Canada was under the dominion of 
France, the French laws and customs were in 
force there ; which are regulated in conformity to 
the genius and complexion of a despotic constitu- 
tion ; and expose the lives and properties of sub- 
jects to continual depredations, from the malice 
and avarice of those in authority. But when it 
fell under the dominion of Great Britain, these 
laws, so unfriendly to the happiness of society, gave 
place, of course, to the milder influence of the 
English laws : and his Majesty, by proclamation, 
promised to all those who should settle there, a 
full enjoyment of the rights of British subjects. 
In violation of this promise, the Act before us de- 
clares, '' That the said proclamation, and the com- 
mission under the authority whereof the govern- 
ment of the said province is at present adminis- 



REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL. 209 

tered, be, and the same are, hereby revoked, an- 
nulled, and made void, from and after the first day 
of May, one thousand seven hundred and seventy- 
five." This abolition of the privileges stipulated 
by the proclamation, was not inflicted as a penalty 
for any crime by which a forfeiture had been in- 
curred; but merely on pretence of the present 
form of government having been found by expe- 
rience to be inapplicable to the state and circum- 
stances of the Province. 

I have never heard any satisfactory account con- 
cerning the foundation of this pretence : for it does 
not appear, that the people of Canada, at large, 
ever expressed a discontent with their new estab- 
lishment, or solicited a restoration of their old. 
They were, doubtless, the most proper judges of 
the matter, and ought to have been fully consulted 
before the alteration was made. If we may credit 
the general current of intelligence which we have 
had respecting the disposition of the Canadians, 
we must conclude they are averse to the present 
regulation of the Parliament, and had rather con- 
tinue under the form of government instituted by 
the Royal proclamation. 

However this be, the French laws are again re- 
vived. It is enacted, " That in all matters of con- 
troversy relative to property and civil rights, resort 
shall be had to the laws of Canada, as the rule for 
the decision of the same : and all causes that here- 

voL. I. 27 



210 REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL. 

after shall be instituted in any of the Courts of 
justice, shall, with respect to such property and 
rights, be determined agreeably to the said laws 
and customs of Canada, until they shall be varied 
and altered by any ordinances that shall, from time 
to time, be passed in the said province, by the 
Governor, Lieutenant-Governoi', or Commander-in- 
Chief for the time being, by and with the advice 
and consent of the Legislative Council of the 
same." Thus the ancient laws of Canada are res- 
tored, liable to such variations and additions as 
shall be deemed necessary by the Governor and 
Council : and as both the one and the other are to 
be appointed by the King during pleasure, they 
will be all his creatures, and entirely subject to his 
will, which is thereby rendered the original foun- 
tain of law : and the property and civil rights of 
the Canadians are made altogether dependent 
upon it : because the power communicated, of 
varying and altering, by new ordinances, is indefi- 
nite and unlimited. If this does not make the 
king absolute in Canada, I am at a loss for any 
tolerable idea of absolute authority ; which I have 
ever thought to consist, with respect to a monarch, 
in the power of governing his people according to 
the dictates of his own will. In the present case, 
he has only to inform the Governor and Council, 
what new laws he would choose to have passed, 
and their situation will ensure their compliance. 



REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL. 211 

It is further provided, " That nothing contained 
in the Act, shall extend, or be construed to extend, 
to prevent or hinder his Majesty, his heirs and suc- 
cessors, from erecting, constituting, and appoint- 
ing, from time to time, such courts of criminal, 
civil, and ecclesiastical jurisdiction, within and for 
the said province of Quebec, and appointing, from 
time to time, the judges and officers thereof, as 
his Majesty, his heirs and successors, shall think 
necessary for the circumstances of the said pro- 
vince." 

Here a power of a most extraordinary and dan- 
gerous nature is conferred. There must be an end 
of all liberty where the prince is possessed of such 
an exorbitant prerogative as enables him, at plea- 
sure, to establish the most iniquitous, cruel, and 
oppressive courts of criminal, civil, and ecclesias- 
tical jurisdiction ; and to appoint temporary judges 
and officers, whom he can displace and change as 
often as he pleases. For what can more nearly 
concern the safety and happiness of subjects, than 
the wise economy, and equitable constitution of 
those courts in which trials for life, liberty, proper- 
ty, and religion, are to be conducted ? Should it 
ever comport with the designs of an ambitious and 
wicked minister, we may see an Inquisition erected 
in Canada; and priestly tyranny hereafter find as 
propitious a soil in America, as it ever has in Spain 
or Portugal. 



212 REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL. 

But in order to varnish over the arbitrary com- 
plexion of the Act, and to conciliate the minds of 
the Canadians, it is provided, " That whereas, the 
certainty and lenity of the criminal law of England, 
and the benefits and advantages resulting from the 
use of it, have been sensibly felt by the inhabitants, 
from an experience of more than nine years : 
Therefore, the same shall be administered, and shall 
be observed as law, in the province of Quebec, to 
the exclusion of every rule of criminal law which 
did, or might, prevail in said province before the 
year one thousand seven hundred and sixty-four." 

As " it is in the goodness of criminal laws, that 
the liberty of the subject principally depends,"* 
this would have been an important privilege, had 
it not been rendered uncertain and alienable by 
the latter part of the same clause, which makes 
them " subject to such alterations and amendments, 
as the Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, and Com- 
mander-in-Chief for the time being, by and with 
the advice and consent of the Legislative Council 
of the same, shall, from time to time, cause to be 
made therein." 

Under the notion of necessary alterations and 
amendments, the King, through the medium of his 
creatures, the Governor and Council, may entirely 
new mould the criminal laws of Canada, and make 

• Montesquieu. 



REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL. 213 

them subservient to the most tyrannical views. 
So that, in this respect, also, the principle of arbi- 
trary power, which is the soul of the Act, is uni- 
formly maintained and preserved, in full vigour, 
without the least real or effectual diminution. 

It has been denied, with the most palpable ab- 
surdity, that the right of trial by juries is taken 
from the Canadians. It is said, that the provincial 
legislature of Canada may introduce them as soon 
as they please : and it is expected that they will, 
" as soon as the inhabitants desire them," or " the 
state of the country will admit of them." 

A civil right is that, which the laws and the 
constitution have actually conferred ; not that 
which may be derived from the future bounty and 
beneficence of those in authority. The possibility 
that the Legislature of Canada may hereafter in- 
troduce trials by juries, does not imply a right in 
the people to enjoy them. For in the same sense 
it may be said, that the inhabitants of France, 
or Spain, have a right to trial by juries, because it 
is equally in the power of their legislatures to es- 
tablish them. 

Since, therefore, it is apparent, that a system of 
French laws has been established in the province 
of Quebec ; and an indefinite power vested in the 
King, to vary and alter these laws ; as also to con- 
stitute such courts of criminal, civil, and ecclesias- 
tical jurisdiction ; and to introduce such a form of 



214 REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL. 

criminal law as he shall judge necessary : I say, 
since all this is deducible from the express letter 
of the Act ; or, in other words, since the whole 
Legislative, Executive, and Judiciary powers, are 
ultimately and effectually, though not immediately, 
lodged in the King; there can be no room to 
doubt, that an arbitrary government has been 
really instituted throughout the extensive region 
now comprised in the province of Quebec. 

NO. II. 

Having considered the nature of this Bill with 
regard to civil government, I am next to examine 
it with relation to religion ; and to endeavour to 
show, that the Church of Rome has now the sanc- 
tion of a legal establishment in the province of 
Quebec. 

In order to do this the more satisfactorily, I beg 
leave to adopt the definition given of an established 
religion, by a certain writer who has taken great 
pains to evince the contrary. " An established 
religion," says he, " is a religion which the civil 
authority engages, not only to protect, but to 
support." This Act makes effectual provision, not 
only for the protection, but for the permanent sup- 
port of popery ; as is evident from the following 
clause : " And for the more perfect security and 
ease of the minds of the inhabitants of the said 



REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL. 215 

province, it is hereby declared, that his Majesty's 
subjects, professing the religion of the Church of 
Rome, in the said province, may have, hold, and 
enjoy, the free exercise of the religion of the 
Church of Rome, subject to the King's supremacy, 
&c. ; and that the clergy of the said Church, may 
hold, receive, and enjoy, their accustomed dues 
and rights, &c." 

This is represented as a bare permission to the 
clergy, to enjoy the usual emoluments of their 
functions, and not as a legal provision for their 
support. Much stress seems to be laid on the 
word " may," which is commonly italicised. But 
though the phraseology be artful, yet it is easy to 
perceive, that it operates to the same effect as if 
it had been more positive and emphatical. 

The clergy " may hold, receive, and enjoy, 
their accustomed dues and rights." They may if 
they please. It is at their option, and must depend 
upon their will ; and, consequently, there must be 
a correspondent obligation upon their parishioners 
to comply with that will, and to pay those dues 
when required. What the law gives us an un- 
conditional permission to enjoy, no person can 
legally withhold from us. It becomes our proper- 
ty, and we can enforce our right to it. If the 
Legislature of this colony were to decree, that 
the clergy of the different denominations, may 
hold, receive, and enjoy, tithes of their respective 



216 REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL. 

congregations ; we should soon find that it would 
have the same efficacy as if it were decreed, that 
the several congregations should pay tithes to their 
respective clergy. For, otherwise, the Legislature 
might confer a right which had no correlative 
obligation; and which must, therefore, be void 
and inefficacious. But this is contradictory and 
impossible. 

" Tithes in Canada," it is said, " are the proper- 
ty of the Roman Church : and permitting a tole- 
rated Church to enjoy its own property, is far 
short of the idea of an establishment." But I 
should be glad to know, in the first place, how 
tithes can be the property of any but of an es- 
tablished church? And in the next, how they 
came to be the property of the Romish Church 
in Canada, during the intermediate space between 
the surrender of that province to the English, and 
the passing of this Act ? Nothing can be deemed 
my property, to which I have not a perfect 
and uncontrollable right by the laws. If a church 
have not a similar right to tithes, it can have no 
property in them : and if it have, it is plain the 
laws must have made provision for its support, or, 
in other words, must have established it. 

Previous to the surrender of Canada, the Catho- 
lic religion was established there by the laws of 
France ; and tithes were, on that account, the 
legal property of the Church of Rome ; and could 



REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL. 217 

not be withheld by the laity, though ever so much 
disposed to it. But after the surrender, this cir- 
cumstance took a different turn. The French 
laws being no longer in force, the establishment 
of the Romish Church ceased of course ; and with 
it, the property which it before had in tithes. 

It is true, the clergy may have continued to re- 
ceive and enjoy their customary dues, tithes, and 
other perquisites : but they were not, for all that, 
the property of the Church ; because it had lost 
its legal right to them, and it was at the discretion 
of the laity to withhold them, if they had thought 
proper ; or to abridge them, and place them upon 
a more moderate footing. Their voluntary concur- 
rence was necessary to give their priests a right 
to demand them as before. But by the late Act, 
this matter is again put into its former situation. 
Tithes are now become the 'property of the Church, 
as formerly ; because it again has a legal claim to 
them; and the conditional consent of the people 
is set aside. Thus we see, that this Act does not, 
in fact, permit a tolerated church to enjoy " its 
own property," but gives it a real and legal proper- 
ty in that which it before held from the bounty 
and liberality of its professors ; and which they 
might withhold, or diminish, at pleasure : and this, 
in the most proper sense, converts it into an estab- 
lishment. 

The characteristic difference between a tolera- 

voL. I. 28 



218 REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILt. 

ted and established religion, consists in this : With 
respect to the support of the former, the law is 
passive and improvident, leaving it to those who 
profess it, to make as much, or as little, provision 
as they shall judge expedient ; and to vary and 
alter that provision, as their circumstances may re- 
quire. In this manner, the Presbyterians, and other 
sects, are tolerated in England. They are allowed 
to exercise their religion without molestation, and 
to maintain their clergy as they think proper. 
These are wiiolly dependent upon their congrega- 
tions, and can exact no more than they stipulate 
and are satisfied to contribute. But with respect 
to the support of the latter, the law is active and 
provident. Certain precise dues, (tithes, &c,), are 
legally annexed to the clerical office, independent 
on the liberal contributions of the people ; which 
is exactly the case with the Canadian priests ; and 
therefore, no reasonable, impartial man, will doubt 
that the religion of the Church of Rome is estab- 
lished in Canada. While tithes were the free, 
though customary, gift of the people, as was the 
case before the passing of the Act in question, 
the Roman Church was only in a state of tolera- 
tion : but when the law came to take cognizance 
of them, and, by determining their permanent ex- 
istence, destroyed the free agency of the people, 
it then resumed the nature of an establishment, 



REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL. 219 

which it had been divested of at the time of the 
capitulation. 

As to the Protestant religion ; it is often asserted 
that ample provision has been made by the Act, for 
its future establishment : to prove which, the writer 
before mentioned^ has quoted a clause in the fol- 
lowing mutilated manner : " It is provided," says 
he, "that his Majesty, his heirs or successors, may 
make such provision out of the accustomed dues, 
or rights, for the encouragement of the Protestant 
religion, and for the maintenance of a Protestant 
clergy within the said province, as he or they shall, 
from time to time, think necessary and expedient.'* 

It must excite a mixture of anger and disdain 
to observe the wretched arts to which a desiffninar 
administration, and its abettors, are driven, in or- 
der to conceal the enormity of their measures. 
This whole clause, in its true and original con- 
struction, is destitute of meaning ; and was evi- 
dently inserted for no other end than to deceive by 
the appearance of a provident regard for the Pro- 
testant religion. The Act first declares, " That 
his Majesty's subjects, professing the religion of 
the Church of Rome, may have and enjoy the 
free exercise of their religion ; and that the cler- 
gy of the said church, may hold, receive, and 
enjoy their accustomed dues and rights." Then 
follows this clause : " Provided, nevertheless, that 
it shall be lawful for his Majesty, his heirs and 



220 REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL. 

successors, to make such provision out of the rest 
of the said accustomed dues and rights, for the 
encouragement of the Protestant religion, for the 
maintenance and support of a Protestant clergy 
within the said province, as he or they shall, from 
time to time, think necessary and expedient." 

Thus we see, the Romish clergy are to have, 
hold, and enjoy, their accustomed dues and rights ; 
and the rest and remainder of them, is to be applied 
towards the encouragement of the Protestant reli- 
gion : but when they have had their wonted dues, I 
fancy it will puzzle administration, by any effort of 
political chemistry, to produce the rest, or remain- 
der. Suppose, for instance, A. had made an ac- 
tual settlement of a hundred pounds on B. ; and, by 
a subsequent act, should declare, that B. should 
continue to hold and enjoy his accustomed and 
annual bounty; and that the rest of the said bounty 
should be given to C. : it is evident that C. would 
have nothing, because there would be no rest 
whatever. Exactly parallel and analogous is the 
case in hand. The Romish priests are to have their 
accustomed dues and rights ; and the rest of the 
said dues and rights, is to be dedicated to the en- 
couragement of the Protestant religion. In the 
above recited quotation, there is a chasm : the 
words " the rest of," being artfully omitted, to give 
the passage some meaning which it has not in it- 
self With this amendment, the sense must be. 



REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL. 221 

that his Majesty might appropriate what portion of 
the customary revenues of the Romish clergy he 
should think proper, to the support and main- 
tenance of Protestant churches. But, according to 
the real words of the Act, he can only devote " the 
rest," or remainder, of such revenues to that pur- 
pose ; which, as I have already shown, is nothing. 
So that the seeming provision in favour of the Pro- 
testant religion, is entirely verbal and delusory. 
Excellent must be the encouragement it will derive 
from this source. But this is not all. Had there 
been really provision made, to be applied at the 
discretion of his Majesty, I should still consider 
this Act as an atrocious infraction on the rights of 
Englishmen, in a point of the most delicate and 
momentous concern. No Protestant Englishman 
would consent to let the free exercise of his reli- 
gion depend upon the mere pleasure of any man, 
however great or exalted. The privilege of wor- 
shipping the Deity, in the manner his conscience 
dictates, which is one of the dearest he enjoys, 
must, in that case, be rendered insecure and pre- 
carious. Yet this is the unhappy situation to 
which the Protestant inhabitants of Canada are 
now reduced. 

The will of the king must give law to their con- 
sciences. It is in his power to keep them for ever 
dispossessed of all religious immunities ; and there 
is too much reason to apprehend, that the same 



222 REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL. 

motives which instigated the Act, would induce 
him to give tliem as little future encouragement as 
possible. 

I imagine it will clearly appear, from what has 
been offered, that the Roman Catholic religion, 
instead of being tolerated, as stipulated by the 
Treaty of Peace, is established by the late Act; 
and that the Protestant religion has been left en- 
tirely destitute and unbefriended in Canada. But 
if there should be any who think that the indul- 
gence granted, does not extend to a perfect estab- 
lishment; and that it may be justified by the 
terms of the treaty, and the subsequent conduct of 
the Canadians ; and if they should also be at a loss 
to perceive the dangerous nature of the Act, with 
respect to the other colonies ; I would beg their 
further attention to the following considerations. 

However justifiable this Act may be, in relation 
to the province of Quebec, with its ancient limits, 
it cannot be defended by the least plausible pre- 
text, when it is considered as annexing such a 
boundless extent of new territory to the old. 

If a free form of government had " been found 
by experience to be inapplicable to the state and 
circumstances of the province ;" and if " a tolera- 
tion less generous, although it might have fulfilled 
the letter of the articles of the treaty, would not 
have answered the expectations of the Canadians, 
nor have left upon their minds favourable impres- 



REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL. 223 

sions of British" justice and honour :" if these 
reasons be^admitted as true, and allowed their 
greatest weight, they only proved that it might be 
just and politic to place the province of Quebec, 
alone, with its former boundaries, in the circum- 
stances of civil and religious government which are 
established by this Act. But when it is demanded, 
Why it has also added the immense tract of coun- 
try that surrounds all these colonies, to that pro- 
vince, and has placed the whole under the same 
exceptionable institutions, both civil and religious ? 
• — the advocates for administration must be con- 
founded and silent. 

This Act developes the dark designs of the mi- 
nistry more fully than any thing they have done ; 
and shows that they have formed a systematic pro- 
ject of absolute power. 

The present policy of it is evidently this. By 
giving a legal sanction to the accustomed dues of 
the priests, it was intended to interest them in be- 
half of the administration ; and by means of the 
dominion they possessed over the minds of the 
laity, together with the appearance of good will 
towards their religion, to prevent any dissatisfac- 
tion which might arise from the loss of their civil 
rights ; and to propitiate them to the great pur- 
poses in contemplation ; first, the subjugation of 
the colonies ; and afterwards, that of Great Britain 
itself. It was necessary to throw out some such 



224 REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL. 

lure to reconcile them to the exactions of that 
power which has been communicated to the King, 
and which the emergency of the times may re- 
quire in a very extensive degree. 

The future policy of it demands particular at- 
tention. The nature of civil government will 
hereafter put a stop to emigrations from other 
parts of the British dominions thither, and from 
all other free countries. The pre-eminent advan- 
tages secured to the Roman Catholic religion, will 
discourage all Protestant settlers, of whatever 
nation ; and on these accounts, the province will 
be settled and inhabited by none but Papists. If 
lenity and moderation are observed in administer- 
ing the laws ; the natural advantages of this fertile 
infant country, united to the indulgence given to 
their religion, will attract droves of emigrants 
from all the Roman Catholic States in Europe : 
and these colonies, in time, will find themselves en- 
compassed with innumerable hosts of neighbours, 
disaffected to them, both because of difference in 
religion and government. How dangerous their 
situation would be, let every man of common 
sense judge. 

What can speak, in plainer language, the cor- 
ruption of the British ParHament than this Act, 
which invests the King with absolute power over 
a little world (if I may be allowed the expres- 
sion), and makes such ample provision for the 



REMARKS ON THE QUEBEC BILL. 225 

Popish religion, and leaves the Protestant in such 
a dependant, disadvantageous situation ; that he 
is like to have no other subjects in this part of 
his domain, than Roman Catholics, who, by reason 
of their implicit devotion to their priests, and the 
superlative reverence they bear those who coun- 
tenance and favour their religion, will be the 
voluntary instruments of ambition, and will be 
ready, at all times, to second the oppressive de- 
signs of administration against the other parts of 
the empire. 

Hence, while our ears are stunned with the 
dismal sounds of New England's Republicanism, 
bigotry, and intolerance ; it behooves us to be 
upon our guard, against the deceitful wiles of 
those who would persuade us, that we have 
nothing to fear from the operation of the Quebec 
Act. We should consider it as being replete 
with danger to ourselves, and as threatening ruin 
to our posterity. Let us not, therefore, suffer 
ourselves to be terrified at the prospect of an 
imaginary and fictitious Scylla; and, by that 
means, be led blindfold into a real and destruc- 
tive Charybdis. 



VOL. I. 29 



MILITARY LIFE. 

[1776.] 

" Hamilton, during the previous winter, foreseeing that the 
course of events nnust soon lead to an open rupture, determined to 
apply himself to the study of arms : and before any steps w^ere 
taken to organize a regular force, had, by great assiduity, made 
such progress as books, and the instruction of a British bombardier, 
could give him, in pyrotechnics and gunnery." — Life of Hamilton^ 
by his Son : p. 51, vol. 1. 

In introducing the papers connected with the Military life of 
General Hamilton, we make no apology for commencing with a 
rough draught, by him, on " Tactical Experiments relative to the 
Step:" because (trifling as the subject may seem) we think this 
single paper furnishes evidence of a remarkable mind, in the com- 
pactness of his style, the comprehensiveness of his ideas, and the 
characteristic readiness of his faculty, in seizing the cardinal points 
of any subject, whenever he had once deemed it worthy of his 
consideration. — [Editor.] 



GUIDE IN MAKING TACTICAL EXPERIMENTS 
RELATIVE TO THE STEP. 

Tacticians agree, that a proper regulation of the 
length and speed of the step, is of primary impor- 
tance in a system of tactics. Upon this depends 
essentially the exactness of all evolutions ; the at- 
tainment of the best results with the least incon- 
venience to the soldier. Yet, in the theories of 
military writers, and in the establishments of mili- 
tary nations, there is great diversity in this important 



228 TACTICAL EXPERIMENTS 

article. For example : While our step is two feet 
English, that of France (and it is believed of Prus- 
sia) is two feet French, or about twenty-six inches 
English : that of Great Britain, two feet six inches 
English. There is also some, though less, differ- 
ence as to the velocity of the step : that of France 
being 76 — 100, and 120 in a minute : that of Great 
Britain, 75 — 108, and 120 in a minute. 

This diversity is a reason against adopting im- 
plicitly any foreign standard, and a motive to in- 
vestigation of the principles on which the step 
ought to be predicated. It is desirable, if possible, 
to find a standard in nature. 

As to length, the step ought to be accommodated 
to men of the smaller sizes. A tall man can 
abridge, easier than a short man extend, his natural 
pace. And yet, perhaps, neither extreme ought to 
govern. A short man may, by habit, somewhat 
lengthen his usual step without fatigue; while a 
tall man may be too much constrained, if obliged 
to contract his step to the measure of a very short 
man. The man of middle stature, may be the pro- 
perest criterion : or, perhaps, the average step of a 
number of men, of different sizes, marching to- 
gether, may furnish a still better rule. In such 
case a kind of compromise naturally takes place, 
by the mutual effort of all to move in unison. 

But to arrive at a just result, it is necessary that 
the experiments should be multiplied; should be 
by individuals of different sizes, and by bodies of 



RELATIVE TO THE STEP. 229 

different numbers, from few to many ; and es- 
pecially, that they should be in different sorts of 
ground, rough as well as smooth, unequal as well 
as plain. By this diversification of the experi- 
ments, it may be possible to discover some medium, 
which, being adopted as a standard, and made 
habitual to troops, will best accommodate itself to 
the variety of circumstances which occur. 

It is a fact, which in this investigation demands 
particular attention, that the length of the step 
naturally increases with its speed or velocity. In 
a slow movement, the body is nearly perpendicu- 
lar, and the leg kept back: in a rapid one, the 
body is impelled forward, and with it the leg; 
which, without effort, takes a greater distance in 
this than in the former case. 

Hence a question, whether the length of the 
step ought not to be proportioned to the speed ? 
And whether, instead of that uniformity which 
seems to have been preferred, it ought not to be 
less in the slower, and greater in the quicker steps ? 
'T is evident, that by lengthening the step with 
the speed, a greater quantity of ground will be 
passed over in a given time, and perhaps with less 
fatigue from the men being less constrained. 

The varieties in the speed of the step, demand 
careful examination. A slow, cadenced, majestic 
step has been adopted, especially in reference to 
manceuvres of parade, and the march in line. 
From seventy-five to eighty in a minute, have been 



230 TACTICAL EXPERIMENTS, ETC. 

latterly deemed an eligible standard. For occa- 
sions which require greater celerity, about one 
hundred in a minute has been adopted ; to be in- 
creased, in particular cases, to one hundred and 
twenty. 

These questions arise : Are all these varieties 
desirable as fundamental rules ? If not, what 
ought to be substituted ? Is the slowest of these 
steps ever useful in the actual service of the field ? 
If not, ought it to obtain for any, and for what, 
collateral reasons ? To what kind of movements 
is each variety applicable ? In fine, what ought 
to be established as to the speed of the step ? 

Respect for the institutions of nations who have 
arrived at considerable perfection in the art of 
war, is a dictate of good sense : but when we con- 
sider the influence of the spirit of imitation, and 
how liable men, habituated to routine, are to be 
trammelled by that to which they have been ac- 
customed, we shall find good reason not to follow 
those institutions implicitly. 

In the particular affair of the length and speed 
of the step, there is room to suspect, that princi- 
ples have not been sufficiently consulted ; and that 
real improvements may be made. This, however, 
is to be carefully examined, with a temper no less 
remote from the love of innovation, than from a 
spirit of blind deference to authority and prece- 
dent. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 231 

" The convention of New- York having determined to aug- 
ment its military establishment, among other arrangements, or- 
dered a company of artillery to be raised. Hamilton seized this 
opportunity to enter the service, and was recommended to the 
convention by his friend McDougal, who had been appointed 
colonel of the first regiment raised in the province. A doubt 
having been intimated of his knowledge of that branch of arms, 
McDougal proposed that he should undergo an examination ; and 
on a certificate being given of his competency, he was appointed, 
on the fourteenth day of March, seventeen hundred and seventy- 
six, " Captain of the Provincial Company of Artilery ;" and within 
a short time after, was directed to guard the records of the 
colony." — Lr/e of Hamilton, by his Son: p. 52, Vol. I. 

HAMILTON TO THE PROVINCIAL CONGRESS. 

New-York, May 26, 1776. 

Gentlemen : 

I take the liberty to request your attention to 
a few particulars, which will be of considerable 
importance to the future progress of the company 
under my command : and I shall be much obliged 
to you for as speedy a determination concerning 
them as you can conveniently give. The most 
material is respecting the pay. Our company, by 
their articles, are to be subject to the same regu- 
lations, and to receive the same pay, as the Con- 
tinental Artillery. Hitherto I have conformed to 
the standard laid down in the Journal of the Con- 
gress, published the 10th May, 1775 ; but I am 
well informed that, by some later regulation, the 



232 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

pay of the Artillery has been augmented, and 
now stands according to the following rates : Cap- 
tain, £10. 13. 4. Captain-Lieutenant, £8. Lieu- 
tenants, each, £7. 6. 8. Sergeants, £3. 6. 8. Cor- 
porals, £3. 1. 4. Bombardiers, £3. 1. 4. Gunners, 
£3. Matrosses, £2. 17. 4. Drummers and Fifers, £3. 
By comparing these with my pay-rolls, you will 
discover a considerable difference ; and I doubt 
not you will be easily sensible that such a differ- 
ence should not exist. 

I am not personally interested in having an aug- 
mentation agreeably to the above rates, because 
my own pay will remain the same as that it now 
is : but I make this application on behalf of the 
company ; as I am fully convinced such a disad- 
vantageous distinction will have a very pernicious 
effect on the minds and behaviour of the men. 
They do the same duty with the other companies, 
and think themselves entitled to the same pay. 
They have been already comparing accounts ; 
and many marks of discontent have lately ap- 
peared on this score. As to the circumstance 
of our being confined to the defence of the colony, 
it will have little or no weight ; for there are but 
few in the company, who would not as willingly 
leave the colony on any necessary expedition, as 
stay in it : and they will not, therefore, think it 
reasonable to have their pay curtailed on such a 
consideration. Captain Beauman, I understand, 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 233 

enlists all his men on the above terms ; and 
this makes it difficult for me to get a single recruit : 
for men will naturally go to those who pay them 
best. On this account, I should wish to be imme- 
diately authorized to offer the same pay to all who 
may inchne to enlist. The next thing I should 
wish to know, is, whether I must be allowed any 
actual expenses that might attend the enlistment of 
men, should I send into the country for that pur- 
pose. The expense would not be great ; and it 
would enable me to complete my company at once, 
and bring it the sooner into proper order and dis- 
cipline. 

Also, I should be glad to be informed, if my com- 
pany is to be allowed the frock which is given to 
the other troops as a bounty ? This frock would 
be extremely serviceable in summer, while the 
men are on fatigue ; and would put it in their pow- 
er to save their uniform much longer. I am, gen- 
tlemen, with the greatest respect. 

Your most obedient servant, 
Alexander Hamilton, Captain. 



HAMILTON TO THE PROVINCIAL CONGRESS. 

July 26, 1776. 

Gentlemen: 

I am obliged to trouble you, to remove a diffi- 
voL. I. 30 



234 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

culty which arises respecting the quantity of sub- 
sistence which is to be allowed my men. En- 
closed you have the rate of rations, which is the 
standard allowance of the whole continental, and 
even the provincial, army ; but it seems Mr. Cur 
tenius cannot afford to supply us with more than 
his contract stipulates; which, by comparison, 
you will perceive is considerably less than the 
forementioned rate. 

My men, you are sensible, are, by their articles, 
entitled to the same subsistence with the conti- 
nental troops : and it would be to them an insup- 
portable discrimination, as w ell as a breach of the 
terms of their enlistment, to give them almost a 
third less provisions than the whole army besides 
receives. I doubt not you will readily put this 
matter upon a proper footing. 

Hitherto, we have drawn our full allowance 
from Mr. Curtenius ; but he did it upon the sup- 
position that he would have a farther considera- 
tion for the extraordinary supply. 

At present, however, he scruples to proceed in 
the same way, till it can be put upon a more cer- 
tain foundation. I am, gentlemen, 

With the utmost esteem and respect, 

Your most ob't. and most humble serv't, 

A. Hamilton, 
Captain of New-York Artillery. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 235 

[1777.] 

" He continued with his company, which, from the severity of 
the weather, and its exposure in the brilliant enterprises of Tren- 
ton and Princeton, was reduced to a fragment of five-and-twen- 
ty men, until the establishment of head quarters at Morristown ; 
when, at the invitation of General Washington, on the first of 
March, seventeen hundred and seventy-seven, he was appointed 
his aid-de-camp, with the rank of lieutenant-colonel." — Life of 
Hamilton^ by his Son: vol. I, p. 57. 



HAMILTON TO THE PROVINCIAL CONGRESS. 

Morristown, March 6, 1777. 

Gentlemen : 

It is necessary I should inform you of the changes 
which have happened in your Company of Artil- 
lery, which should have been done long ago, had 
I not been prevented by sickness, from which I 
am but lately recovered. 

General Washington has been pleased to ap- 
point me one of his Aids-de-Camp. Captain-Lieu- 
tenant James Moore, a promising officer, and who 
did credit to the State he belonged to, died about 
nine weeks ago. Lieutenant James Gilleland, 
some time before that, resigned his commission, 
prompted by domestic inconveniences and other 
motives best known to himself. There remain 
now onlv two officers. Lieutenants Bean and 



236 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

Thompson, and about thirty men. The reason 
that the number of men is so reduced, besides 
death and desertions, was owing to a breach of 
orders in Lieutenant Johnson, who first began the 
enlistment of the company; and who, instead of 
engaging them during the war, according to the 
intention of the State, engaged them for the 
limited term of a twelvemonth. The time of 
those enlisted by him has expired ; and for want 
of powers to re-engage them, they have mostly 
entered into other corps. 

I have to request you will favour me with in- 
structions as to your future intentions. If you 
design to retain the company on the particular es- 
tablishment of the State, it will be requisite to 
complete the number of officers, and make pro- 
vision to have the company filled by a new en- 
listment. In this case, I should beg leave to re- 
commend to your notice, as far as a Captain-Lieu- 
tenancy, Mr. Thompson. Mr. Bean is so incurably 
addicted to a certain failing, that I cannot, in jus- 
tice, give my opinion in favour of his preferment. 
But if you should determine to resign the compa- 
ny, as I expect you will, considering it as an ex- 
traordinary burthen, without affording any special 
advantages, the Continent will readily take it off 
your hands, so soon as you shall intimate your de- 
sign to relinquish it. I doubt not you will see the 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 237 

propriety of speedily deciding on the matter, 
which the good of the service requires. 

I am, with the sincerest respect, gentlemen, 
Your most ob't and most humble servant, 
Alex. Hamilton. 



THE COMMITTEE OF CONVENTION TO HAMILTON. 

Kingston, March 17, 1777. 

Dear Sir: . 

\ 

We are to inform you, that Robt. R. Livingston 
is, with us, a committee appointed by Convention 
to correspond with you at Head Quarters, You 
will give us pleasure in the information that His 
Excellency is recovered from the illness which 
had seized him the day before Messrs. Cuyler and 
Taylor left Head Quarters. Any occurrences in 
the army which may have happened, you will 
please to communicate. 

In answer to your letter to the Convention, of 
the sixth of March instant, we are to inform you, 
that it is determined to permit that company to 
join the Continental Army, for which you will 
take the necessary steps. At the same time, you 
will take some notice of the disposition of our 
guns, which, as you well know, are all in the Con- 
tinental service ; and [unless some little attention 



238 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

is paid to them, we may, perhaps, never see them 
again. We are, sir, 

Your most obe't. and humble servants, 

Gouv. Morris, 
Wm. Allison. 
Colonel Alexander Hamilton, Aid-de-Camp 
to His Excellency Gen'l. Washington. 



GOUVERNEUR MORRIS TO HAMILTON. 

Kingston, 26 March, 1777. 

Sir: 

By unavoidable incidents, this letter is delayed 
beyond the usual time ; for which I assure you I 
am extremely sorry. Your favour gave great 
pleasure, as well to the committee, as to several 
members of the House, who are much pleased 
with your judicious caution, to distinguish between 
what you sport as your private opinions, and the 
weighty sentiments of the General. 

No circumstance could have more contributed 
to our happiness, than to hear of the General's re- 
covery ; which, believe me, gave universal joy. 
Be pleased to make my most respectful compli- 
ments to his lady. 

That the enemy are willing to desert, can 
hardly be doubted ; and a variety of sufficient 
reasons may easily be assigned. 

Want of success is not among the least consi- 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 239 

derable : add also the want of pay, the want of 
plunder. I think the situation of the enemy clearly 
demonstrates the want of political wisdom, and 
knowledge of war, at the fountain head. To pass 
over the succession of other blunders they com- 
mitted, from their attempt on Long Island to 
their present disposition, their treatment of the 
soldiery is a monument of folly. First, to pre- 
vent their foreign mercenaries from desertino-, 
they kept back arrearages of pay. And second- 
ly, to prevent mutiny, and silence murmurings, 
they allowed the plundering of a country they 
intend to conquer. Here common sense alone 
would have informed them, had they listened 
to her dictates, that by irritating they would never 
subdue ; and that an indulgence in excesses would 
relax all discipline. Taught by experience, they 
begin now to wind up the cords ; but as it was said 
of James the First, they are always either too high 
or too low. Instead of liberal discipline, they ask 
servile obedience. Would it not be wise to meet 
this with taunting insult ? To encourage our men 
in abuse of them, as poor slaves, hired without 
pay, yet not daring to vent a complaint ; and con- 
trast the different situations : at the same time in- 
viting them to come and taste the air of freedom. 
The English are the proudest people on earth. 

You will hear more of a little expedition against 
Peekskill at Head Quarters than I can tell you. I 



240 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

suppose it is intended as a diversion ; if so, it is a 
ridiculous one. I am, &c. 

Gouv. Morris. 
Col. Alex. Hamilton. 



THE COMMITTEE OF CONVENTION TO HAMILTON. 

Kingston, April 2d, 1777. 

Sir: 

We received yours of the 29tli ultimo, and are 
extra sorry to hear of your indisposition. 

In our last we expressed an apprehension that 
the enemy might possibly make Hudson's river 
their first object; not only because they could 
open their campaign there earlier than they could 
go to Pennsylvania (as in one case their army 
would move by land, and in the other by water) ; 
but becaase, having the command of the river, 
by taking the advantage of a southerly wind, they 
would have it in their power to run up in a few 
hours ; and, by destroying the boats that are along 
its banks, render it impossible for General Wash- 
ington's army to cross till they have marched to 
Albany ; a thing almost impracticable at this sea- 
son of the year, considering the distance, and bad- 
ness of the roads. This would enable them, not 
only to ravage all this State, but to enter Connect- 
icut on its western side, where the disaffection of 
the people will ensure them many friends. We 
have strained every nerve to prepare for their re- 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 241 

ception, having vested a power in General George 
Clinton to make whatever draughts he may think 
necessary from the militia : in consequence of 
which, every third man is ordered to be drawn 
from the southern, and every fifth man from the 
northern counties. We are not without apprehen- 
sions that these heavy draughts will be dreadfully 
felt, in the want of the necessary supplies for the 
army and inhabitants, which can hardly be raised 
under such circumstances in this State : but more 
remote evils must yield to the pressures of neces- 
sity. We enclose you, by direction of Convention, 
some resolutions lately passed, in order to render 
the laws against spies, and secret enemies, more 
effectual. You will be pleased to deliver them, 
with our respectful compliments, to His Excellency 
the General. 

We are happy to hear of the arrival of the ves- 
sel with arms from France, as no supplies can be 
more necessary. 

We flatter ourselves that it will shortly be in 
our power to communicate more important intelli- 
gence from that quarter. 

We are, with great respect, Sir, 
Your most obedient and humble servants, 

Wm. Allison, 
RoBT. R. Livingston. 
GouvR. Morris. 

Col. Alex. Hamilton. 
vol. i. 31 



242 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

HAMILTON TO A COMMITTEE OF THE PROVINCIAL 
CONGRESS. 

Head-Quarters, Morristown, April 5, 1777. 

Gentlemen : 

Since my last, I have had the pleasure of re- 
ceiving your reply to my two favours of the 29th 
ultimo and 2d current. I am happy enough to be 
able to inform you, that my indisposition, which 
was the occasion of my brevity when I last wrote, 
is now removed. 

The opinion I advanced respecting the enemy's 
not moving before the beginning of May, seems to 
be shaken, though not entirely overthrown, by 
some present appearances. We have received in- 
formation that they are embarking about three 
thousand men on board of transports, which are 
lying at the Hook, by way of Staten Island. This, 
it is conjectured, is with a view to the Delaware ; 
and the supposition is confirmed, by the circum- 
stance of a confederacy lately detected at Phila- 
delphia, who, among other things, were endea- 
vouring, by the temptation of fifty pounds, to 
engage persons as pilots up that river. The ex- 
treme difficulties they must labour under for want 
of forage, and the infinite hazard they must run 
by moving with a small body of about five thou- 
sand men, with an enemy in the rear, incapable 
of sparing any considerable body of troops to form 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 243 

a post behind, and be an asylum to them in case 
of accident, — these circumstances will hardly al- 
low me to think they will be daring enough to 
make the attempt at this time. But on the other 
hand, as they know we are in a progressive state as 
to numbers, and other matters of importance, and 
as they have no prospect of early reinforcement, 
and are in a state of uncertainty as to any, from 
the bustling aspect of European affairs, it is pro- 
bable they may conceive a necessity of making a 
push at all risks. Perhaps, however, this embar- 
kation is intended for some other purpose ; to 
make a diversion, or execute some partisan ex- 
ploit elsewhere. On the whole, I find it difficult 
to believe they are yet ready for any capital 
operation. 

As to your apprehensions of an attempt up the 
North river, I imagine you may discard any un- 
easiness on that score, although it will be at all 
times advisable to be on the watch against such 
a contingency. It is almost reduced to a certainty, 
that the principal views of the enemy, in the en- 
suing campaign, will be directed towards the 
southward, and to Philadelphia more immediate- 
ly ; of which idea, the discovery before mention- 
ed, with respect to pilots, is no inconsiderable con- 
firmation. Philadelphia is an object calculated to 
strike and attract their attention. It lias all along 
been the main source of supplies towards the war; 



244 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

and the getting it into their possession, would de- 
prive us of a wheel we could very badly spare, in 
the great political and military machine. They 
are sensible of this, and are equally sensible, that 
it contains, in itself, and is surrounded by, a pro- 
digious number of persons attached to them, and 
inimical to us, who would lend them all the assis- 
tance they could, in the further prosecution of 
their designs. It is also a common and well 
grounded rule in war, to strike first and princi- 
pally, at the capital towns and cities, in order to 
the conquest of a country. 

I must confess I do not see any object equally 
interesting to draw their efibrts to the northward. 
Operations merely for plundering and devastation 
can never answer their end ; and if they could, 
one part of the continent would do nearly as well 
as another. And as to the notion of forming a 
junction with the northern army, and cutting off' 
the communication between the northern and 
southern States, I apprehend it will do better in 
speculation than in practice. Unless the geogra- 
phy of the country is far different from anything I 
can conceive, to effect this would require a chain 
of posts, and such a number of men at each, as 
would never be practicable or maintainable, but 
to an immense army. In their progress, by hang- 
ing upon their rear, and seizing every opportuni- 
ty of skirmishing, their situation might be ren- 
dered insupportably uneasy. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 245 

But for fear of mistake, the General has deter- 
mined to collect a considerable body of troops at 
or about Peekskill, which will not be drawn off 
till the intentions of the enemy have acquired a 
decisive complexion. These will be ready, accord- 
ing to conjunctures, either to proceed northerly or 
southerly, as may be requisite. Every precaution 
should be taken to prevent the boats from being 
destroyed, by collecting them, at the first move- 
ment of the enemy, under cover of one of the 
forts, or into some inlet, difficult of access, and 
easily defensible with a small number of men. 
The loss of them would be an irreparable disad- 
vantage. 

The enemy's attempt upon Peekskill is a demon- 
stration of the folly of having any quantity of stores 
at places so near the water, and so much exposed 
to a sudden inroad. There should never be more 
there than sufficient to answer present demands. 
We have lost a good deal in this way at different 
times, and I hope experience will at last make us 
wiser. 

His Excellency lately had a visit from the Onei- 
da Chief and five others. He managed them with 
a good deal of address, and sent them away per- 
fectly satisfied. He persuaded them to go to 
Philadelphia, but they declined it, alleging their 
impatience to return, and remove the erroneous 



246 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

opinions of their countrymen, from the misrepresen- 
tations of British emissaries, which they were appre- 
hensive might draw them into some rash proceed- 
ings. They parted, after having made the most sol- 
emn protestations of friendship and good will. His 
Excellency has been very Lusy all day in despatch- 
ing the southern post, which has prevented me giv- 
ing him your resolve. It will, no doubt, be very ac- 
ceptable ; and it is with pleasure I inform you, that 
the zeal and abilities of the New- York Convention 
hold the first rank in his estimation. 

No news from France, save that the Congress 
have obtained a credit there, for which they can 
draw bills to the amount of £100,000 sterling. This 
will be extremely serviceable in carrying on a trade 
with the French. The new troops begin to come 
in. If we can shortly get any considerable acces- 
sion of strength, we may be able to strike some 
brilliant stroke. 

I am. Gentlemen, with the greatest respect, 
Your most obedient servant, 

A. Hamilton. 

P. S. We have been some time endeavouring to 
negotiate a regular cartel ; but it has been lately 
broken off, principally on account of Major Gene- 
ral Lee. General Howe will not allow him to be 
comprehended under the general idea of Ameri- 
can prisoners. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 247 

THE COMMITTEE OF CONVENTION TO HAMILTON. 

Kingston, 8th April, 1777. 

Sir: 

Yours of the third came safe to hand this day, 
and gave us great pleasure by certifying your 
health. The smallness of our numbers will not 
permit the loss of one useful citizen. It is, there- 
fore, a determined point, that, sick or well, you 
are by no means to die. 

At this distance, it is impossible to determine 
what the enemy can, or what they cannot, do. 
But, certainly, if we can bring a respectable force 
into the field previous to their movements, it must 
be extremely difficult for them to advance or re- 
treat. The latter, indeed, may be assisted by the 
works they are throwing up. 

Their attempt upon the Delaware is far from im- 
probable. Howe is certainly a stupid fellow : but 
if he reasons so far, the taking of Philadelphia 
would give a splendid sight to their manceuvres in 
the eyes of Europe. This would be productive 
of advantage. The seizing that large city, would 
also afford him much benefit in the several ways 
which you suggest. But would it not be wise to 
permit his force to be thus divided, that one part 
after another might be cut to pieces ? 

Since the affair at Peekskill, their views this 
way seem to be less probable. It was, doubtless, 
unmilitary to warn us of our danger. They will 



248 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

also soon learn that we are in this quarter, in a 
decent posture of defence ; and that may decide 

their fluctuating councils. 

Perhaps, after all, they will find it more conve- 
nient to keep post at Amboy, with an advanced 
party at Brunswick, secure New- York, and carry 
on a kind of nav^al partisan war, till the further 
aid and order of their masters. 

You will take care, whenever you write to us 
matters which ought not to be seen by all, to di- 
rect to one of us only in a separate letter : while 
that which is merely indifferent, comes under your 
usual direction. The reason is, that sometimes, 
when we do not happen to be immediately in the 
w^ay, your letters are opened by the President; 
and although no evil consequences have accrued 
from this as yet, it is nevertheless proper to guard 
against it. 

What you say relative to a cartel, reminds us of 
the case of Major Edminston, who was taken by 
General Schuyler at the same time with Sir John 
Johnson. This gentleman, as His Excellency will 
recollect, was sent into the enemy's quarters, with 
a letter to negotiate an exchange for one of three 
Majors, prisoners in their hands. He hath since 
returned, with a letter from Howe to General 
Schuyler, purporting that one of those Majors shall 
be exchanged for him, he being permitted to join 
his regiment in Canada. He was three weeks, or 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 249 

thereabouts, travelling from New- York to Albany ; 
of which the Convention being informed, caused him 
to be made prisoner, and intend sending him to Head 
Quarters. He is well acquainted with the face of 
this country, and the disposition of its several in- 
habitants. He has sufficient interest with the In- 
dians to accomplish an escape. Upon the whole 
(as it will not be prudent to confine him within 
this State), it is submitted, whether it would not 
be proper to secure him elsewhere until the close 
of the present campaign ? 
We are. Sir, 
Your most ob't. and humble servants, 
RoBT. R. Livingston, 
Gouv. Morris. 
Colonel Hamilton. 



THE COMMITTEE OF CONVENTION TO HAMILTON. 

Kingston, 16th April, 1777. 

Sir: 

We are directed by Convention, to enclose a 
Resolution passed this day, in addition to that of 
the 1st of April, which we before did ourselves 
the honour to transmit to His Excellency, by which 
we hope to put an effectual stop to any further de- 
sertions to the enemy ; as the disaffected have 
been hitherto greatly emboldened by their having, 
for the want of courts, escaped the punishment 
they deserved. It frequently happens, that igno- 

voL. I. 32 



250 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

rant young lads are seduced to enlist with the 
enemy, and are taken in their way to them. We 
have sometimes thought that such might safely be 
admitted to enlist in our regiments (which they 
are generally inclined to do), as a change of com- 
pany will often make an alteration in their senti- 
ments, in which case a useful number may be pre- 
served to the community. We wish you to con- 
sult the General on this subject, and to favour us 
with his opinion, by which we shall regulate our 
future conduct relative to such persons. 

We are obliged to you for communicating, by 
Mr. Troop, an account of the engagement on Sun- 
day, in which we equally admire the extreme cau- 
tion of the enemy, and the spirit of that handful 
of men by whom they were opposed. The same 
bravery will, we hope, prove as fortunate, when a 
fairer occasion offers for its exertion. We have 
daily information of plots that are formed in this 
State ; and a few days ago apprehended a Colonel 
who was raising a regiment for the service of the 
enemy. We hope, by a seasonable severity, to 
prevent this evil from becoming very extensive. 
We are, Sir, &c. 



HAMILTON TO LIVINGSTON. 

Head Quarters, Morristown, April 29, 1777. 

Sir: 

The enclosed was intended to be sent with 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 251 

the prisoners mentioned in the list; but before 
this could be conveniently done, Mr. Sims, one of 
the Chief Justices of the State, came to this town, 
and informed me, that the Governor and Council 
were upon the point of adjourning ; and that the 
sending of the prisoners to them, would only be 
an embarrassment, without answering, at present, 
any valuable purpose. He considered himself au- 
thorized to take the matter under his direction, 
and desired a sight of the papers relating to it. 
After perusing them, he determined it was best 
the prisoners should remain here, until he should 
receive your further orders on the subject; and 
delivered me a letter for you, containing a repre- 
sentation of their cases, as they appear to him, in 
order to know your sense, in w hat manner they 
shall be disposed of 

He admits two of them, Woolverton and Silas 
Howel, to bail. 

In addition to the former, I send you a second 
list of four others that have been lately committed 
to jail. These are high offenders, and among the 
number of those who it w^ere to be wished could 
have an immediate trial and punishment. Isaac 
Ogden, in particular, is one of the most barefaced 
impudent fellows that ever came under my ob- 
servation. He openly acknowledged himself a 
subject of the King of Great Britain ; and flatly 
refused to give any satisfaction to some questions 



252 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

that were put to him respecting one Moses Nichols, 
an emissary from the enemy; assigning no other 
reason for his refusal, than that he had given his 
word to be silent. 

A spirit of disaffection shows itself with so 
much boldness and violence in different parts of 
this State, that it is the ardent wish of His Excel- 
lency, no delay, which can be avoided, might be 
used in making examples of some of the most 
atrocious offenders. If something be not speedily 
done, to strike a terror into the disaffected, the 
consequences must be very disagreeable. 

Among others, all security to the friends of the 
American cause will be destroyed; and the natural 
effect of this, will be an extinction of zeal in 
seconding and promoting it. Their attachment, if 
it remain, will be a dead, inactive, useless princi- 
ple. And the disaffected, emboldened by impu- 
nity, will be encouraged to proceed to the most 
dangerous and pernicious lengths. 

I have the honor to be, with great respect. 

Your Excellency's most ob't servant, "^ 
A. Hamilton, A. D. C. 

To Gov. Livingston. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 253 

HUGH KNOX* TO HAMILTON. 

St. Cioix, April 31st, 1777. 

My Dear Friend : 

A pretty fair opportunity just offering for Phila- 
delphia, I could not omit acknowledging the re- 
ceipt of your very circumstantial and satisfactory 
letter of the 14th February. The thing has hap- 
pened which I wished for. We have been amazed 
here by vague, imperfect, and very false accounts 
of matters from the Continent : and I always told 
my friends, that if you survived the campaign, and 
had an hour of leisure to write to me, I expected 
a more true, circumstantial, and satisfactory ac- 
count of matters in your letter, than by all the 
public papers and private intelligence we had re- 
ceived here. I have but a moment to command 
at present, and have not time to remark upon your 
letter. I can only inform you, that it has given 
high satisfaction to all friends here. We rejoice 
in your good character and advancement, which is, 
indeed, only the just reward of merit. May you 
still live to deserve more and more from the friends 
of America, and to justify the choice, and merit the 
approbation, of the GREAT AND GOOD GENE- 
RAL WASHINGTON— a name which will shine 
with distinguished lustre in the annals of history — 
a name dear to the friends of the Liberties of 



* Mr. Knox was a physician in the West Indies, and one of Hamilton's 
friends there. — [Editor.] 



254 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

Mankind ! Mark this : You must be the Annalist 
and Biographer, as well as the Aid-de-Camp, of 
General Washington — and the Historiographer of 
the AMERICAN WAR ! I take the liberty to in- 
sist on this. I hope you take minutes and keep a 
Journal ! If you have not hitherto, I pray do it 
henceforth. I seriously, and with all my little in- 
fluence, urge this upon you. This may be a new 
and strange thought to you : but if you survive the 
present troubles, I aver — few men will be as well 
qualified to write the history of the present glori- 
ous struggle. God only knows how it may termi- 
nate. But however that may be, it will be a most 
interesting story. 

I congratulate you on your recovery from a long 
and dangerous illness. It is my own case — I am 
just convalescent, after the severest attack I ever 
had in my life. I hope to write you more at large 
soon, and remain, with the tender of every kind 
and friendly wish. My Dear Sir, 

Your affectionate Servant, 
Hugh Knox. 



HAMILTON TO WILLIAM DUER. 

Head Quarters, Morristown, 6th May, 1777. 

Sir: 
The bearer of this, is Mr. Malmedi, a French 
gentleman of learning, abilities, and experience. 
I believe he thinks himself entitled to preferment, 



ailLITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 255 

and comes to Congress for that purpose. At the 
recommendation of General Lee, he was made 
Brigadier General by the State of Rhode Island ; 
and filled the station to the satisfaction of his em- 
ployers, as appears by a letter from Governor Cook, 
speaking of him in the highest terms of approba- 
tion. This has led him to hope, that he should be 
adopted by the Continent on an equal footing. But 
in this he will, no doubt, be mistaken, as there are 
many insuperable objections to such an event. 
Among others, it would tend to raise the expecta- 
tions of the Frenchmen in general, already too 
high, to a pitch which it would be impossible to 
gratify or endure. It might not, however, be 
amiss, to do whatever propriety would warrant, to 
keep him in good humour, as he is a man of sense 
and merit. I think policy would justify the advan- 
cing him a step higher than his former Continental 
rank. 

Congress, in the beginning, went upon a very 
injudicious plan w4th respect to Frenchmen. To 
every adventurer that came, without even the 
shadow of credentials, they gave the rank of Field 
officers. This circumstance, seconding the aspiring 
disposition natural to those people, carried the ex- 
pectations of those who had really any pretensions 
to the character of officers, to a length that exceed 
all the bounds of moderation. As it was impossible 
to pursue this impolitic plan, the Congress have be- 



256 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

gun to retrench their excessive liberality ; and the 
consequence has been, universal disgust and dis- 
content. 

It would, perhaps, be injurious, as the French 
are much addicted to national punctilio, to run into 
the opposite extreme to that first embraced, and, 
by that mean, create a general clamour and dis- 
satisfaction. Policy suggests the propriety of dis- 
criminating a few of the most deserving, and en- 
deavouring to keep them in temper, even by grati- 
fying them beyond what they can reasonably pre- 
tend to. This will enable us to shake off the 
despicable part with safety, and to turn a deaf ear 
to the exorbitant demands of the many. It will 
be easily believed in France, that their want of 
merit occasioned their want of success, from the 
extraordinary marks of favour that have been con- 
ferred on others : whereas, the united voice of 
complaint from the whole, might make ill impres- 
sions in their own country, which it is not our in- 
terest should exist. 

We are already greatly embarrassed with the 
Frenchmen among us ; and, from the genius of the 
people, shall continue to be so. It were to be 
wished, that our agents in France, instead of 
courting them to come out, were instructed to give 
no encouragement but where they could not help 
it ; that is, where applications were made to them 
by persons countenanced and supported by great 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 257 

men, whom it would be impolitic to disoblige. 
Be assured, Sir, we shall noA^er be able to satisfy 
them ; and they can be of no use to us, at least 
for some time. Their ignorance of our language ; 
of the disposition of the people ; the resources 
and deficiencies of the country ; their own habits 
and tempers : all these are disqualifications that 
put it out of their power to be of any real service 
to us. You will consider what I have said en- 
tirely as my own sentiments, and 

Believe me, with great regard, Sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 

A. Hamilton. 
William Duer, Esq. 



GOUVERNEUR MORRIS TO HAMILTON. 

Kingston, 16th May, 1777. 

Sir: 

I had the pleasure of your two favours within 
two days of each other, and am very happy to 
find that our form of government meets with your 
approbation. That there are faults in it is not to 
be wondered at, for it is the work of men, and 
of men, perhaps, not the best qualified for such 
undertakings. I think it deficient, for the want 
of vigour in the executive ; unstable, from the very 
nature of popular elective governments ; and dila- 
tory, from the complexity of the legislature. 

For the first, I apologize by hinting the spirit 

VOL. I. 33 



258 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

which now reigns in America, suspiciously cau- 
tious. For the second, because unavoidable. For 
the third, because a simple legislature soon pos- 
sesses itself of too much power for the safety of 
its subjects. God grant it may work well, for 
we must live under it. 

I cannot persuade myself that Howe will either 
go to Philadelphia or come hither. In either case. 
General Washington can hang upon his rear, and 
place him in the light rather of a fugitive than a 
conqueror. If he bends his efforts this way, the 
Council of Safety, you may depend upon it, will 
exert themselves to make his situation as uneasy 
as he would wish ; probably more so. The spirit 
of the Tories, we have great reason to believe, 
is entirely broken in this State. If it is not, it 
will soon be so ; for they shall have a few more 
executions, than which nothing can be more effi- 
cacious. I speak from experience : but then it is 
necessary to disperse the victims of public justice 
throughout diff"erent parts of the several States; 
for nothing but ocular demonstration can convince 
these incredulous beings that we do really hang 
them. I wish the several States would follow our 
example. Pennsylvania, in particular, would ex- 
perience many good eff'ects from a vigorous manly 
executive. Adieu. 

Your most obedient and humble servant, 

Gouv. Morris. 

Col. Hamilton. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 259 

GOUV. MORRIS TO HAMILTON. 

Kingston, 24th May, 1777. 

Dear Sir: 

You certainly had no reason to complain of me, 
for not informing you of the destruction of the 
stores at St. John's. True it is, we had a vague 
report of such a transaction ; and we had also an 
account, from private persons, that the report was 
confirmed at Albany : hut General Gates has 
never done us the honour to make us acquainted 
with his intelligence upon that subject ; and 
therefore I was not really warranted to say any 
thing about it. Apropos, I shall lose two beaver 
hats if our troops are not in possession of New- 
York by the first day of July next. If the enemy 
expect reinforcements, prudence will dictate to 
us to do something offensive as soon as possible. 
Would it not be prudent to make several attacks 
at the same time ? For instance, about Hacken- 
sack, Bergen, or wherever else the enemy are in 
that quarter: upon Brunswick, by way of Round 
Brook, Bonumtown, and from the southward : 
upon Fort Independence in Westchester county, 
or against Harla?m : and upon Long Island, by 
throwing over some of the eastern troops. If 
only one should prove successful, it would give 
splendour to our arms, and dismay the enemy. 
But our numbers, etc., etc., must govern these 
things. Howe certainly cannot mean to come 



260 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

this way, unless he is considerably reinforced. 
He will, unless he is to act on the defensive. I 
hope that our Generals are very busy fortifying 
the passes in the Highlands. I fear we shall 
destroy many men by it when the weather 
grows warm. Much fatigue prevents that atten- 
tion to cleanliness which is essential to the health 
of soldiery. Soldiers should, in my opinion, be 
as much exercised in the use of arms, and the 
various evolutions, as is necessary to preserve 
their bodies in a state of strength and elasticity. 
The rest of their time may be usefully employed 
in the care of their clothes, and collecting refresh- 
ments. I seriously believe, that if two armies of 
thirty thousand men each, were to take the field 
in May, and the one be employed in building 
fortifications for three months, which the other 
should storm at the expiration of that term ; 
the odds would be in favour of the assailants, 
that the campaign would not cost them as many 
as the enemy. But a truce to idle speculation. 
Be pleased to direct your next letter to Robert 
R. Livingston and Christopher Taffin, Esqrs., as I 
shall not myself be in the way to receive it. We 
have no news here but this, that the Tories are 
much humbled, and will, I believe, be more so. 
Adieu. Yours, 

Gouv. Morris, 

Col. Hamilton. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 261 

HAMILTON TO A FRIEND. 

Head Quarters, Smith's Clove, July 22, 1777. 

Dear Sir : 

Your favour of the eighteenth, from Saratoga, 
reached me yesterday. Your pronouncing Fort 
Edward, among the other forts, indefensible, sur- 
prises me a little, as it is entirely contrary to the 
representations of several gentlemen of judgment, 
who have had an opportunity of seeing and con- 
sidering its situation ; by whom we have been 
taught to believe that it would be an excellent 
post, at least for checking and retarding Burgoyne's 
progress. I agree with you that our principal 
strength in the quarter you are, will be in the 
forests and natural strength of the country, and 
in the want of forage, provisions, carriages, &c., 
in which the enemy may easily be thrown, by ta- 
king away what there are of those articles, which, 
you observe, have never been in great abundance. 

I am doubtful whether Burgoyne will attempt 
to penetrate far, and whether he will not content 
himself with harassing our back settlements by 
parties assisted by the savages, who, it is to be 
feared, will pretty generally be tempted, by the 
enemy's late successes, to confederate in hostili- 
ties against us. 

This doubt arises from some appearances that 
indicate a southern movement of General Howe's 
army, which, if it should really happen, will cer- 



262 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

tainly be a barrier against any further impressions 
of Burgoyne ; for it cannot be supposed he would 
be rash enough to pkmge into the bosom of the 
country without an expectation of being met by 
General Howe. Things must prove very adverse 
to us indeed, should he make such an attempt and 
not he ruined hy it. I confess, how^ever, that the 
appearances I allude to, do not carry a full evi- 
dence in my mind ; because they are opposed by 
others of a contradictory kind; and because I can- 
not conceive upon what principle of common 
sense, or military propriety, Howe can be running 
away from Burgoyne to the southward. 

It is much to be wished he may, even though 
it should give him the possession of Philadelphia, 
which, by our remoteness from it, may very well 
happen. In this case, we may not only, if we 
think proper, retaliate, by aiming a stroke at New- 
York ; but we may come upon him with the great- 
est part of our collective force, to act against that 
part which is under him. We shall then be cer- 
tain that Burgoyne cannot proceed, and that a 
small force of continental troops will be sufficient 
for that partisan war which he must carry on the 
rest of the campaign. 

A small force will also be sufficient to garrison 
the posts in the Highlands, and prevent any dan- 
ger there ; so that we shall be able to bring near- 
ly the whole of the continental army against Mr. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 263 

Howe. The advantages of this are obvious. 
Should he be satisfied with the splendour of his 
acquisition, and shut himself up in Philadelphia, 
we can ruin him by confinement. Should he leave 
a garrison there, and go forward, we can either 
fall upon that or his main body, diminished as it 
will be by such a measure, with our whole force. 
There will, however, be many disagreeable con- 
sequences attending such an event ; amongst 
which, the foremost is, the depreciation of our cur- 
rencij, which, from the importance in which Phila- 
delphia is held, cannot fail to ensue. 
I am, dear Sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 

Alex. Hamilton. 



HAMILTON TO DR. KNOX. 

" A fragment of a letter written by him about this time to his 
venerable friend Doctor Knox, who warmly espoused the Ameri- 
can cause, will be read with interest, as exhibiting more at large, 
the prospects and views of policy which he entertained." — Life 
of Hamilton, by his Son: vol. l,p- 97. 

This event [the evacuation of Ticonderoga*], 
redounds very little to our credit. For if the 
post was untenable, or required a larger number 
of troops to defend it than could be spared for the 
purpose, it ought long ago to have been foreseen 
and given up. Instead of that, we have kept a 

* July 5, 1777. 



264 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

large quantity of cannon in it, and have been 
heaping- up very valuable magazines of stores and 
provisions, that, in the critical moment of defence, 
are abandoned and lost. This affair will be at- 
tended with several evil consequences ; for be- 
sides the loss of our stores, which we cannot well 
afford, it opens a new and easy door by which to 
penetrate the northern States. It will fix the 
hitherto fluctuating disposition of the Indians in 
that quarter, in their favour, and expose the fron- 
tiers of the adjacent country to their depredations. 
But though it is a misfortune we have reason to 
lament, I dare say it will be regarded with you 
as much more important than it really is, and as 
materially endangering the success of our cause, 
which is by no means the case. Our opposition 
is at this time too well matured, and has too great 
stability, to be shaken by an accident of that kind. 
While we have a respectable army in the field, 
and resources to feed, clothe, and arm them, we 
are safe. We have had a force sufficient for the 
foregoing part of the campaign, to maintain such 
a superiority over the main army of the enemy as 
effectually to hinder them from attaining any of 
their purposes. And, to the northward, with the 
reinforcements sent up to succour the retreating 
garrison of Ticonderoga, and the militia flocking 
in from New England, I think there is little doubt 
we have by this time a force adequate to give 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 265 

Mr. Burgoyne a seasonable check. One good ef- 
fect will result from the misfortune, which is, that 
it will stimulate the eastern States to greater exer- 
tions than they might otherwise make. 

By our last advices, the enemy were in posses- 
sion of all the comitry between Ticonderoga and 
Fort George ; and our army, nearly equal in num- 
ber to them, were about to take post somewhere 
between Fort Edward and Saratoga. 

The consequences of this northern affair will de- 
pend much upon the part that Howe acts. If he 
were to co-operate with Burgoyne, it would de- 
mand our utmost efforts to counteract them. But 
if he should go towards the southward, all or most 
of the advantages of Burgoyne's success will be 
lost. He will either be obliged to content himself 
with the possession of Ticonderoga, and the de- 
pendent fortresses, and with carrying on a partisan 
war the rest of the campaign ; or he must precipi- 
tate himself into certain ruin, by attempting to ad- 
vance into the country with a very incompetent 
force. 

Appearances lead us to suppose that Howe is 
fool enough to meditate a southern expedition ; for 
he has now altered his station at Staten Island, 
mentioned above, and has fallen down to the Hook. 
Judging it morally certain that there would be a 
co-operation of the two armies, we thought it ex- 
pedient to march northerly ; and had accordingly 

VOL. I. 34 



266 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

reached within fourteen miles of New Windsor, 
the place where we could cross the North River 
without danger of interruption. But this new 
movement of the enemy's fleet, has induced us to 
return a few miles, and make a disposition for 
marching southerly. We shall, however, be cau- 
tious how we proceed on that course, lest nothing 
more than a feint is intended, to divert us from the 
real object. 

If they go to the southward in earnest, they 
must have the capture of Philadelphia in view; for 
there is no other sufficient inducement. We shall 
endeavour to get there in time to oppose them ; and 
shall have the principal part of the continental 
force, and a large body of spirited militia, many of 
them, from their services during the last campaign, 
pretty well inured to arms, to make the opposition 
with. Yet I would not have you to be much sur- 
prised if Philadelphia should fall; for the enemy 
will doubtless go there with a determination to 
succeed at all hazard ; and we shall not be able to 
prevent them, without risking a general action, the 
expediency of which will depend upon circum- 
stances. If the militia turn out with that zeal we 
have a right to expect, from their conduct when 
the enemy made their last experiment in the Jer- 
sies, and were supposed to be going to Philadel- 
phia, we may do it without nmch inconvenience. 
If they fall materially short of it, we shall be 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 267 

obliged to confine ourselves to a skirmishing oppo- 
sition, which we cannot expect will be effectual. 
It may be asked, If, to avoid a general engagement, 
we give up objects of the first importance, what 
is to hinder the enemy from carrying every impor- 
tant point, and ruining us ? My answer is, that 
our hopes are not placed in any particular city or 
spot of ground, but in the preserving a good army, 
furnished with proper necessaries, to take advan- 
tage of favourable opportunities, and waste and 
defeat the enemy by piecemeal. Every new 
post they take, requires a new division of their 
forces, and enables us to strike with our united 
force against a part of theirs : and such is their 
present situation, that another Trenton affair will 
amount to a complete victory on our part ; for they 
are at too low an ebb to bear another stroke of 
the kind. Perhaps, before I may have an oppor- 
tunity of sending this, facts will unfold what I am 
now endeavouring to anticipate by conjecture. 

You will expect some animadversions on the 
temper and views of the French nation. I pre- 
sume you are nearly as well acquainted with the 
assistance they are giving us as I am, both by 
their intrigues in foreign courts, and by supplies 
of every kind of warlike stores and apparatus. 

It does not admit of a doubt that they are in- 
terested to wish us success; and their conduct 
plainly shows, they are willing to give us every 



268 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

aid essential to our preservation. But it is natu- 
ral they should desire to do it with as much con- 
venience to themselves as they can. I apprehend 
they are not overfond of plunging themselves into 
a war with England if they can avoid it, and still 
answer the end they have to pursue : and, indeed, 
from the evident reluctance shown on the part of 
the latter, to do anything that may bring about 
such an event, it becomes extremely difficult to 
draw her into it. The conclusion we may make, 
is, that France will not wish to force England into 
a war, unless she finds our affairs require it abso- 
lutely ; and England will not enter into one, till 
she is compelled to do it. 

My best respects to all friends ; and I beg you 
will believe me to be, with unabated regard. 
Dear Sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 

A. Hamilton. 



TO THE HONOURABLE JOHN HANCOCK, PRESIDENT 
OF CONGRESS. 

September 18., 1777. 9 o'clock at night. 

Sir : 

I did myself the honour to write you a hasty 
line this evening, giving it as my opinion, that the 
city was no longer a place of safety for you. I 
write you again, lest that letter should not get to 
hand. The enemy are on the road to Swedes 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 269 

Ford, the main body about four miles from it. 
They sent a party this evening to Daviser's ferry, 
which fired upon me and some others in crossing it, 
killed one man, wounded another, and disabled my 
horse. 

They came on so suddenly, that one boat was 
left adrift on the other side, which will of course 
fall into their hands ; and, by the help of that, they 
will get possession of another, which was aban- 
doned by those who had the direction of it, and 
left afloat, in spite of every thing that I could do to 
the contrary. These two boats will convey fifty 
men across at a time, so that in a few hours they 
may throw over a large party, perhaps sufficient to 
overmatch the militia who may be between them 
and the city. This renders the situation of Con- 
gress extremely precarious, if they are not on their 
guard : my apprehensions for them are great, 
though it is not improbable they may not be real- 
ized. 

The most cogent reasons oblige me to join the 
army this night, or I should have waited upon you 
myself. I am in hopes our army will be up with 
the enemy before they pass Schuylkill : if they are, 
something serious will ensue. 

I have the honour to be. 
With much respect. 

Sir, your most obedient, 

A. Hamilton. 



270 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

HAMILTON TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. 

Philadelphia, 22d September, 1777. 

Sir: 

I left camp last evening, and came to this city 
to superintend the collection of blankets and 
clothing for the army. Mr. Lovell sends to in- 
form me there is an express going off to Congress ; 
and I do myself the honour to communicate a 
brief state of things when I left camp. The ene- 
my moved yesterday, from where they lay oppo- 
site to Valley Forge, &c., higher up the river, on 
their old scheme of gaining our right. I do n't 
know precisely where they halted ; but our army 
was preparing to move up also, to counteract them. 

I am this morning told, they marched about 
twelve o'clock at night for that purpose. The 
general opinion was, that the enemy would at- 
tempt crossing this day : every appearance justi- 
fied the supposition. 

We had intelligence that the enemy had, the 
night before last, surprised Generals Smallwood 
and Wayne, and consequently dispersed them, 
after a small opposition. The loss, it is said, was 
not great ; and our troops were re-assembling fast 
at the Red Lion. This seems to have been a bad 
look out, and is somewhat disconcerting. 

By a letter from General McDougal, received 
this morning, it appears he was, on the twentieth, 
in the morning, at Second River, just setting out 



MILITARY CORRESPO>T)E>'CE. 271 

on his march toward. Woodbridge. He is press- 
ing forward with all possible expedition. The 
troops were pretty well refreshed, and in good 
spirits. I have, «k;c., 

A. Ha3IILT0>'. 



WASHI>*GTOX TO HAMILTON. 

Head Quarters, Philadelphia Coonty, 30th Oct., 1777. 

Dear Sir : 

It having been judged expedient by the mem- 
bers of a council of war, held yesterday, that one 
of the gentlemen of my family should be sent to 
General Gates, in order to lay before him the state 
ot this army, and the situation of the enemy ; and 
to point out to him the many happy consequences 
that will accrue from an immediate reinlbrcement 
being sent from the northern army: I have thought 
it proper to appoint you to that duty, and desire 
that you will immediately set out for Albany ; at 
which place, or in the neighbourhood, I imas^ine 
you will hnd General Gates. 

You are so fidly acquainted with the principal 
points on which you are sent, namely, the slate 
of oiur army, and the situation of the enemy, that 
I sliall not enlarge on those heads. What you are 
chiefly to attend to. is. to point out, in the clearest 
and fullest manner, to General Gates, the absolute 
necessity that there is for his detaching a yeiy 
considerable part of the army at present under 



272 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

his command, to the reinforcement of this ; a mea- 
sure that will, in all probability, reduce General 
Howe to the same situation in which General Bur- 
goyne now is, should he attempt to remain in 
Philadelphia without being able to remove the 
obstructions in the Delaware, and open a free com- 
munication with his shipping. The force which 
the members of the council of war judge it safe 
and expedient to draw down at present, are the 
three New Hampshire and fifteen Massachusetts 
regiments, with Lee's and Jackson's two of the 
sixteen, additional. But it is more than probable, 
that General Gates may have detained part of 
those troops to the reduction of Ticonderoga, 
should the enemy not have evacuated it; or to the 
garrisoning of it. If they should, in that case the 
reinforcement will be according to circumstances; 
but, if possible, let it be made up to the same 
number out of other corps. If, upon your meet- 
ing with General Gates, you should find that he 
intends, in consequence of his success, to employ 
the troops, under his command, upon some expe- 
dition, by the prosecution of which the common 
cause will be more benefitted than by their being 
sent down to reinforce this army, it is not my wish 
to give any interruption to the plan. But if he 
should have nothing more in contemplation than 
those particular objects which I have mentioned 
to you, and which it is unnecessary to commit to 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE, 273 

paper; in that case you are to inform him, that it 
is my desire that the reinforcements before men- 
tioned, or such part of them as can be safely spared, 
be immediately put in motion to join the army. 

I have understood that General Gates has al- 
ready detached Nixon's and Glover's brigades to 
join General Putnam ; and General Dickinson in- 
forms me. Sir Henry Clinton has come down the 
river with his whole force : if this be a fact, you 
are to desire General Putnam to send the two 
brigades forward with the greatest expedition, as 
there can be no occasion for them there. 

I expect you will meet Colonel Morgan's corps 
upon their w^ay down : if you do, let them know 
how essential their services are to us ; and desire 
the Colonel, or commanding officer, to hasten their 
march as much as is consistent with the health of 
the men after their late fatigues. G. W. 

P. S. I ordered the detachment belonging to 
General McDougal's division to come forward. If 
you meet them, direct those belonging to Greene's, 
Angel's, Chandler's, and Duryee's regiments, not 
to cross Delaware, but to proceed to Red Bank, 



HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON. 

Fishkill, Nov. 2., 1777. 

Dear Sir: 

I lodged last night in the neighbourhood of New 
VOL. I. 35 



274 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

Windsor. This morning early, I met Colonel Mor- 
gan with his corps, about a mile from it, in march 
for head quarters. I told him the necessity of 
making all the despatch he could, so as not to 
fatigue his men too much, which he has promised 
to do. 

I understood from Colonel Morgan, that all the 
northern army were marching down on both sides 
the river, and would, probably, be to-morrow at 
New Windsor and this place ; and that General Put- 
nam had held a council for the general disposition of 
them, in which it was resolved to send you four 
thousand men, and to keep the rest on this side the 
river. I came here in expectation that matters were 
in such a train as to enable me to accomplish my er- 
rand without going any farther, unless it should be 
to hasten the troops that were on their march : but 
on my arrival, I learned from Mr. Hughes, an Aid- 
de-Camp of General Gates, that the following dis- 
position of the northern army had taken place. 

General Patterson's, Glover's, and Nixon's bri- 
gades, and Colonel Warner's mountain boys, to re- 
main in and about Albany : barracks building for 
them. General Poor's brigade, marching down 
this side of the river to join General Putnam, will 
be here probably to-morrow. General Learned's 
brigade, Morgan's corps, Warner's brigade of Mas- 
sachusetts militia, and some regiments of New 
York militia, on their march on the west side of 
the river. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 275 

I have directed General Putnam, in your name, 
to send forward, with all despatch, to join you, the 
two continental brigades, and Warner's militia 
brigade : this last is to serve till the latter end of 
this month. Your instructions did not comprehend 
any militia : but as there are certain accounts here, 
that most of the troops from New York are gone 
to reinforce General Howe ; and as so large a pro- 
portion of continental troops have been detained 
at Albany ; I concluded you would not disapprove 
of a measure calculated to strengthen you, though 
but for a small time, and have ventured to adopt it 
on that presumption. 

Being informed by General Putnam, that Gene- 
ral Wynds, with seven hundred Jersey militia, was 
at King's Ferry, with intention to cross to Peeks- 
kill, I prevailed upon him to relinquish that idea, 
and send off an immediate order for them to march 
towards Red Bank. It is possible, however, unless 
your Excellency supports this order by an applica- 
tion from yourself, he may march his men home, 
instead of marching them to the place he has been 
directed to repair to. 

Neither Lee's, Jackson's regiments, nor the de- 
tachments belonging to General McDougal's di- 
vision, have yet marched. I have urged their be- 
ing sent ; and an order has been despatched for 
their instantly proceeding. Colonel Hughes is 
pressing some fresh horses for me. The moment 



276 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

they are ready, I shall recross the river, in order 
to fall in with the troops on the other side, and 
make all the haste I can to Albany, to get the three 
brigades there sent forward. 

Will your Excellency permit me to observe, that 
I have some doubts, under present circumstances 
and appearances, of the propriety of leaving the 
regiments proposed to be left in this quarter ? But 
if my doubts on this subject were stronger than 
they are, I am forbid, by the sense of council, 
from interfering in the matter. 

General Poor's brigade is just arrived here : they 
will proceed to join you with all expedition. So 
strongly am I impressed with the importance of 
endeavouring to crush Mr. Howe, that I am apt to 
think it would be advisable to draw off all the con- 
tinental troops. Had this been determined on, 
General Warner's sixteen hundred militia might 
have been left here. 

I have the honour to be, 

With the warmest esteem and respect. 
Your Excellency's most obedient servant, 

A. Hamilton. 



HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON. 

Albany, November, 1777. 

Dear Sir. 
I arrived here yesterday at noon, and waited 
upon General Gates immediately, on the busine^ 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 277 

of my mission ; but was sorry to find his ideas did 
not correspond with yours, for drawing off the 
number of troops you directed. I used every ar- 
gument in my power, to convince him of the pro- 
priety of the measure ; but he was inflexible ^'in 
the opinion, that two brigades, at least, of conti- 
nental troops, should remain in and near this place. 
His reasons were, that the intelligence of Sir 
Henry Clinton's having gone to join Howe, was 
not sufficiently authenticated to put it out of doubt; 
that there was, therefore, a possibility of his re- 
turning up the river, which might expose the finest 
arsenal in America (as he calls the one here) to 
destruction, should this place he left so bare of 
troops as I proposed ; and that the want of con- 
veniences, and the difficulty of the roads, would 
make it impossible to remove artillery and 
stores for a considerable time; that the New 
England States would be left open to the de- 
predations and ravages of the enemy; that it 
would put it out of his power to enterprise any 
thing against Ticonderoga, which he thinks might 
be done in the winter, and which he considers it 
of importance to undertake. 

The force of these reasons did by no means 
strike me ; and I did every thing in my power to 
show they were unsubstantial : but all I could 
effect, was to have one brigade despatched, in ad- 
dition to those already marched. I found myself 



278 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

infinitely embarrassed, and was at a loss how to 
act. I felt the importance of strengthening you as 
much as possible : but, on the other hand, I found 
insuperable inconveniences, in acting diametrically 
opposite to the opinion of a gentleman, whose suc- 
cesses have raised him to the highest importance. 
General Gates has won the entire confidence of 
the Eastern States. If disposed to do it, by ad- 
dressing himself to the prejudices of the people, he 
would find no difficulty to render a measure odious, 
which it might be said, with plausibility enough 
to be believed, was calculated to expose them to 
unnecessary dangers, notwithstanding their exer- 
tions, during the campaign, had given them the 
fullest title to repose and security. General Gates 
has influence and interest elsewhere: he mi^ht 
use it, if he pleased, to discredit the measure there 
also. On the whole, it appeared to me dangerous, 
to insist on sending more troops from hence, while 
General Gates appeared so warmly opposed to it. 
Should any accident, or inconvenience, happen in 
consequence of it, there would be too fair a pretext 
for censure : and many people are too well dis- 
posed to lay hold of it. At any rate, it might be 
considered as using him ill, to take a step so con- 
trary to his judgment, in a case of this nature. 
These considerations, and others which I shall be 
more explicit in when I have the pleasure of 
seeing you, determined me not to insist upon 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 279 

sending either of the other brigades remaining 
here. I am afraid what I have done, may not 
meet with your approbation, as not being perhaps 
fully warranted by your instructions : but I ven- 
tured to do what I thought right, hoping that, at 
least, the goodness of my intention will excuse 
the errour of my judgment. 

I was induced to this relaxation the more readily, 
as I had directed to be sent on, two thousand mili- 
tia, which were not expected by you ; and a thou- 
sand continental troops out of those proposed to be 
left with General Putnam, which I have written to 
him, since I found how matters were circumstanced 
here, to forward to you with all despatch. I did this 
for several reasons : because your reinforcement 
would be more expeditious from that place than 
from this : because two thousand continental 
troops at Peekskill will not be wanted in its present 
circumstances ; especially as it was really necessa- 
ry to have a body of continental troops at this 
place, for the security of the valuable stores here : 
and I should not, if I had my wish, think it expe- 
dient to draw off more than two of the three bri- 
gades now here. This being the case, one of the 
ends you proposed to be answered, by leaving the 
ten regiments with General Putnam, will be 
equally answered by the troops here ; I mean that 
of covering and fortifying the Eastern States: and 
one thousand continental troops, in addition to the 
militia collected, and that may be collected, here. 



280 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

will be sufficient, in the Highlands, for covering 
the country down that way, and carrying on the 
works necessary to be raised for the defence of 
the river. 

The troops gone, and going, to reinforce you, are 
near five thousand rank and file, continental troops ; 
and two thousand five hundred Massachusetts and 
New Hampshire militia. These, and the seven 
hundred Jersey militia, will be a larger reinforce- 
ment than you expected, though not quite an equal 
number of continental troops ; nor exactly in the 
way directed. General Lincoln tells me, the mi- 
litia are very excellent; and though their time 
will be out by the last of this month, you will be 
able, if you think proper, to order the troops still 
remaining here, to join you by the time their term 
of service expires. 

I cannot forbear being uneasy, lest my conduct 
should prove displeasing to you : but I have done 
what, considering all circumstances, appeared to 
me most eligible and prudent. 

Vessels are preparing to carry the brigade to 
New Windsor, which will embark this evening. 
I shall, this afternoon, set out on my return to 
camp ; and on my way, shall endeavour to hasten 
the troops forward. 

I have the honour to be, 

With great esteem and respect, 
Your Excellency's most ob't, 

Alex. Hamilton. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 281 

HAMILTON TO GATES. 

Albany, November 5., 1777. 

Sir: 

By inquiry, I have learned that General Patter- 
son's brigade, which is the one you propose to send, 
is by far the weakest of the three now here, and 
does not consist of more than about six hundred 
rank and file fit for duty. It is true, that there 
is a militia regiment with it of about two hundred; 
but the time of service for which this regiment 
is engaged, is so near expiring, that it would be 
past by the time the men could arrive at their 
destination. 

Under these circumstances, I cannot consider it 
either as compatible with the good of the service, 
or my instructions from His Excellency General 
Washington, to consent that that brigade be se- 
lected from the three to go to him ; but I am under 
the necessity of desiring, by virtue of my orders 
from him, that one of the others be substituted 
instead of this ; either General Nixon's, or General 
Glover's ; and that you will be pleased to give 
immediate orders for its embarkation. 

Knowing that General Washington wished me 
to pay the greatest deference to your judgment, 
I ventured so far to deviate from the instructions 
he gave me, as to consent, in compliance with 
your opinion, that two brigades should remain 

VOL. I. 36 



282 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

here instead of one. At the same time permit 
me to observe, that I am not myself sensible of 
the expediency of keeping more than one, with 
the detached regiments in the neighbourhood of 
this place ; and that my ideas coincide with those 
gentlemen whom I have consulted on the occasion, 
whose judgment I have much more reliance upon 
than on my own, and who nmst be supposed to 
have a thorough knowledge of all the circumstan- 
ces. Their opinion is, that one brigade, and the 
regiments before mentioned, would amply answer 
the purposes of this post. When I preferred your 
opinion to other considerations, I did not imagine 
you would pitch upon a brigade little more than 
half as large as the others : and finding this to be 
the case, I indispensably owe it to my duty, to de- 
sire, in His Excellency's name, that another may 
go instead of the one intended, and without loss 
of time. As it may be conducive to despatch, 
to send Glover's brigade, if agreeable to you, 
you will give orders accordingly. 
I have the honor to be. 

With real respect and esteem, 

Sir, your most obedient servant, 
A. Hamilton. 
General Gates. 



MILITARY CORRESPOXDEXCE. 2S3 

HAMILTON TO WASHLXGTOX. 

New WiDdscr, Xorember 10., 17T7. 

Dear Sir : 

I arrived here last night firom Albany. Hav- 
ing given General Gates a little time to recol- 
lect himself, I renewed my remonstrance on the 
necessity and propriety of sending you more than 
one brigade of the three he had detained with 
him; and finally prevailed upon him to give orders 
for Glover's, in addition to Patterson's brigade, to 
march this way. 

As ir was thought conducive to expedition, to 
send the troops by water, as far as it could be done, 
I procured all the vessels that could be had at Al- 
bany, fit for the piu-pose : but could not get more 
than sutficient to take Patterson's brigade. It was 
embarked the seventh instant : but the wind has 
been contrary : they must probably be here to-day. 
General Glover's brigade marched at the same 
time, on the east side of the river, the roads being 
much better than on this side. I am this moment 
informed, that one sloop, with a part of Patterson's, 
has arrived, and that the others are in sight. They 
will immediately proceed, by water, to King's Fer- 
ry, and thence take the shortest roiUe. 

I am pained beyond expression to inform your 
Excellencv, that on my arrival here, I find every- 
thiui: has been ueirlected and deranged by Gene- 



284 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

ral Putnam ; and that the two brigades, Poor's and 
Learned's, still remain here and on the other side 
of the river at Fishkill. Colonel Warner's militia, 
I am told, have been drawn to Peekskill, to aid in 
an expedition against New York, w^hich, it seems, is, 
at this time, the hobby-horse with General Putnam. 
Not the least attention has been paid to my order, 
in your name, for a detachment of one thousand 
men from the troops hitherto stationed at this post. 
Everything is sacrificed to the wiiim of taking 
New York. 

The two brigades of Poor and Learned, it ap- 
pears, would not march for want of money and 
necessaries; several of the regiments having re- 
ceived no pay for six or eight months past. There 
has been a high mutiny among the former on this 
account, in w^iicli a captain killed a man, and was 
himself shot by his comrade. These difficulties, 
for want of proper management, have stopped the 
troops from proceeding. Governor Clinton has 
been the only man who has done anything towards 
removing them ; but for want of General Putnam's 
co-operation, has not been able to effect it. He 
has only been able to prevail with Learned's 
brigade, to agree to march to Goshen; in hopes, by 
getting them once on the go, to induce them to 
continue their march. On coming here, I imme- 
diately sent for Colonel Bailey, who now com- 
mands Learned's brigade, and persuaded him to 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 285 

engage to carry the brigade on to head quarters 
as fast as possible. This he expects to effect by- 
means of five or six thousand dollars, which 
Governor Clinton was kind enough to borrow for 
me, and which Colonel Bailey thinks will keep the 
men in good humour till they join you. They 
marched this morning towards Goshen. 

I shall, as soon as possible, see General Poor, 
and do everything in my power to get him along ; 
and hope I shall be able to succeed. 

The plan I before laid, having been totally de- 
ranged, a new one has become necessary. It is 
now too late to send Warner's militia: by the 
time they reached you, their term of service 
would be out. The motive for sending them, 
which was to give you a speedy reinforcement, 
has, by the past delay, been superseded. 

By Governor Clinton's advice, I have sent an 
order, in the most emphatical terms, to General 
Putnam, immediately to despatch all the continen- 
tal troops under him to your assistance ; and to de- 
tain the militia instead of them. 

My opinion is, that the only present use for 
troops in this quarter, is, to protect the country 
from the depredations of little plundering parties ; 
and for carrying on the works necessary for the 
defence of the river. Nothing more ought to be 
thought of 'T is only wasting time, and misap- 
plying men, to employ them in a suicidal parade 



286 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

against New York : for in this it will undoubted- 
ly terminate. New York is no object, if it could 
be taken : and to take it, would require more men 
than could be spared from more substantial pur- 
poses. Governor Clinton's ideas coincide with 
mine. He thinks that there is no need of more 
continental troops here, than a few to give a spur 
to the militia in working upon the fortifications. 
In pursuance of this, I have given the directions 
before mentioned. If General Putnam attends to 
them, the troops under him may be with you 
nearly as early as any of the others (though he has, 
unluckily, marched them down to Tarrytown); 
and General Glover's brigade, when it gets up, 
will be more than sufficient to answer the true 
end of this post. 

If your Excellency agrees with me in opinion, 
it will be well to send instant directions to Gene- 
ral Putnam, to pursue the object I have mentioned : 
for I doubt whether he will attend to anything I 
shall say, notwithstanding it comes in the shape 
of a positive order. I fear, unless you interpose, 
the works here will go on so feebly, for want of 
men, that they will not be completed in time : 
whereas, it appears to me of the greatest impor- 
tance they should be pushed with the utmost 
vigour. Governor Clinton will do everything in his 
power. I wish General Putnam was recalled from 
the command of this post, and Governor Clinton 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 287 

would accept it : the blunders and caprices of 
the former are endless. Believe me, Sir, nobody 
can be more impressed with the importance of 
forwarding the reinforcements coming to you, with 
all speed ; nor could anybody have endeavoured 
to promote it more than I have done : but the 
ignorance of some, and the design of others, have 
been almost insuperable obstacles. I am very 
unwell ; but I shall not spare myself to get things 
immediately in a proper train ; and for that pur- 
pose intend, unless I receive other orders from 
you, to continue with the troops in the progress 
of their march. As soon as I get General Poor's 
brigade in march, I shall proceed to General Put- 
nam's at Peekskill. 

I have, &c., 

Alex. Hamilton. 
His Excellency General Washington. 



HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON. 

New Windsor, November 12., 1777. 

Dear Sir: 
I have been detained here these two days by a 
fever, and violent rheumatic pains throughout my 
body. This has prevented my being active, in per- 
son, for promoting the purposes of my errand ; but 
I have taken every other method in my power, in 
which Governor Clinton has obligingly given me 
all the aid he could. In answer to my pressing 



288 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

application to General Poor, for the immediate 
marching of his brio-ade, I was told they were 
under an operation for the itch ; which made it im- 
possible for them to proceed till the effects of it 
were over. By a letter, however, of yesterday, 
General Poor informs me, he would certainly 
march this morning. I must do him the justice to 
say, he appears solicitous to join you ; and that I be- 
lieve the past delay is not owing to any fault of 
his, but is wholly chargeable on General Putnam. 
Indeed, Sir, I owe it to the service to say, that 
every part of this gentleman's conduct is marked 
with blunder and negligence, and gives general 
disgust. 

Parson's brigade will join you, I hope, in five or 
six days from this. Learned's may do the same. 
Poor's will, I am persuaded, make all the haste they 
can for the future. And Glover's may be expected 
at Fishkill to-night ; whence they will be pressed 
forward as fast as I can have any influence to make 
them go. But I am sorry to say, the disposition 
for marching, in the oflicers and men in general, of 
these troops, does not keep pace with my wishes, 
or the exigency of the occasion. They have, un- 
fortunately, imbibed an idea, that they have done 
their part of the business of the campaign, and are 
now entitled to repose. This, and the want of pay, 
make them averse to a long march at this advanced 
season. 



3IILITARY CORRESPOXDEXCE. 289 

* * * 111 a letter from General Putnam, just 
now received by Governor Clinton, he appears to 
have been, the 10th instant, at King's Street, at the 
White Plains. I have had no answer to my last 
applications. The enemy appear to have stripped 
New York very bare, The people there, that is, 
the tories, are in a great fright : tliis adds to my 
anxiety, that the reinforcements from this quarter 
to you, are not in greater forwardness and more 
considerable. 

I have written to General Gates, informing him 
of the accounts of the situation of New York with 
respect to troops, and the probability of the force 
gone to Howe being greater than was at first ex- 
pected ; to try if this will not extort from him 
a further reinforcement. I do n't, however, ex- 
pect much from him ; as he pretends (o have in 
view an expedition against Ticonderoga, to be 
undertaken in the winter : and he knows that, 
under the sanction of this idea, calculated to catch 
the eastern people, he may, without censure, re- 
tain the troops. And as I shall be under a neces- 
sity of speaking plainly to your Excellency, 
when I have the pleasure of seeing you, I shall 
not hesitate to say, I doubt whether you would 
have had a man from the northern armv, if the 
whole could have been kept at Albany ^vith any 
decency. Perhaps you will think me blameable 
in not having exercised the powers you gave me, 

VOL. I. 37 



290 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

and given a positive order. Perhaps I have been 
£0 : but, deliberately weighing all circumstances, I 
did not, and do not, think it advisable to do it. 
I have the honour to be. 

With unfeigned esteem and regard, 
Your Excellency's most ob't. serv't., 

A. Hamilton. 
His Excellency General Washington. 



HAMILTON TO GATES. 

Fishkill, November 12, 1777. 

Sir: 

Ever since my arrival in this quarter, I have 
been endeavouring to collect the best idea I could, 
of the state of things in New York, in order the 
better to form a judgment of the probable rein- 
forcement gone to General Howe. On the whole, 
this is a fact well ascertained, that New York 
has been stripped as bare as possible : that in con- 
sequence of this, the few troops there, and the in- 
habitants, are under so strong apprehensions of an 
attack, as almost to amount to ^ panic ; that to 
supply the deficiency of men, every effort is mak- 
injj to excite the citizens to arms for the defence 
of the city. For this purpose, the public papers 
are full of addresses to them, that plainly speak 
the apprehensions prevailing on the occasion. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 291 

Hence I infer, that a formidable force is gone to 
General Howe. The calculations made by those 
who have had the best of opportunities of judging-, 
carry the number from six to seven thousand. If 
so, the number gone, and going, to General 
Washington, is far inferior; five thousand at the 
utmost. The militia were all detained by General 
Putnam till it became too late to send them. 

The state of things I gave you when I had the 
pleasure of seeing you, w^as, to the best of my 
knowledge, sacredly true. I give you the present 
information, that you may decide, whether any 
further succour can with propriety come from you. 

The fleet, with the troops on board, sailed out 
of the Hook on the fifth instant. This circum- 
stance demonstrates, beyond a possibihty of doubt, 
that it is General Howe's fixed intention to en- 
deavour to hold Philadelphia at all hazards ; and 
removes all danger of any further operations up 
the North River this winter. Otherwise, Sir 
Henry Clinton's movement, at this advanced sea- 
son, is altogether inexplicable. 

If you can, with propriety, afford any further as- 
sistance, the most expeditious manner of convey- 
ing it, will be to acquaint General Putnam of it ; 
that he may send on the troops with him, to be re- 
placed by them. You, Sir, best know the uses to 
which the troops with you are to be applied, and 
will determine accordingly. I am certain it is not 



292 MiLITAHY CORRESFONBEXCE. 

His Excellency's Avish, to frustrate any plan you 
may have in view for the benefit of the service, 
so far as it can possibly be avoided, consistent with 
a due attention to more important objects. 
I am, with respect, Sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 
Alex. Hamilton, A. D. C. 
To General Gates. 



HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON, 

Peekskill, Nov. 15, 1777. 

Dear Sir: 
I arriv ed at this place last night, and unfortu- 
nately find myself unable to proceed any further. 
Imagining I had gotten the better of my complaint, 
which confined me at Governor Clinton's, and 
anxious to be about attending to the march of the 
troops, the day before yesterday I crossed the ferry, 
in order to fill in with General Glover's brigade, 
which was on its march from Poughkeepsie to 
Fishkill. I did not, howev^er, see it mvself, but 
received a letter from Colonel Shepherd, who com- 
mands the frigate, informing me he would be last 
night at Fishkill, and this night at King's ferry. 
Waggons, &c., are provided on the other side for 
his accommodation ; so that there need be no de- 
lay but what is voluntary ; and I believe Colonel 
Shepherd is as well disposed as could be wished, 
to hascen his march. General Poor's brigade 



MILITARY CORIlESPOXDE^XE. 293 

crossed the ferry the day before yesterday. Two 
York regiments, Courtland's and Livingston's, are 
■with them : they were unwilhng to be separated 
from the brigade, and the brigade from them. 
General Putnam was unwilling to keep them with 
him : and if he had consented to do it, the regi- 
ments to displace them, would not join you six days 
as soon as these. The troops now remaining with 
General Putnam, will amount to about the number 
you intended, though they are not exactly the 
same. He has detached Colonel Charles Webb's 
regiment to you. He sa//s the troops with him are 
not in a condition to march, being destitute of 
shoes, stockings, and other necessaries: but I be- 
lieve the true reasons of his being unwilling to 
pursue the mode pointed out by you, were his 
aversion to the York troops, and his desire to re- 
tain General Parsons with him. 

I am, with much respect and esteem, 

Your Excellency's most ob't. serv't., 

A. Hamilton. 

To General Washington. 



WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON. 

Head Quarters, November 15, 1777. 

Dear Sir: 

I have duly received your several favours, from 

the time you left ine to that of the twelfth instant. 

I approve entirely of all the steps you have taken ; 

and have only to wish, that the exertions of those 



294 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

you have had to deal with, had kept pace with 
your zeal and good intentions. I hope your health 
will, before this, have permitted you to push on 
the rear of the whole reinforcement beyond New 
Windsor. Some of the enemy's ships have ar- 
rived in the Delaware ; but how many have troops 
on board, I cannot exactly ascertain. The enemy 
have lately damaged Fort Miflin considerably : 
but our people keep possession, and seem deter- 
mined to do so to the last extremity. Our loss in 
men has been but small. Captain Treat is unfor- 
tunately among the killed. I wish you a safe 
return, And am, dear Sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 
G. Washington. 
Lt. Col. Hamilton. 



HUGH KNOX TO HAMILTON. 

St. Croix, December 10, 1777. 

Dear Hamilton : 

The fine, impartial, laconic, and highly descrip- 
tive account you favoured me with of the last 
year's campaign, in your letter of March last, ex- 
cited in me, errui many of your other friends here, 
an earnest desire of further accounts from your pen, 
of the succeeding fortunes of the Great American 
War : a war which will, one day, shine more il- 
lustriously in the historic page, than any which 
has happened since the times of Nimrod and the 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 295 

Giants ; and deservedly, on account of the goodness 
of the cause, the grandeur of the object, the eclat 
of the Generals, the bravery of the troops — and 
(alas ! that I should be obliged to add) of the cruel- 
ty and ferocity which has marked the route of your 
enemies ; and the tons of brothers' blood which 
have been shed on the unhappy occasion ! 

I wrote two answers to your obliging letter, both 
of whicli I hope have reached you ; and in both 
of which I have urged it upon you, to make and 
collect such memoirs as the urgency of your affairs 
will permit you ; which may furnish materials for 
an accurate history of the war, when you shall 
have leisure to fill up and embellish such a skele- 
ton, with all that elegance and dignity of which 
your fine pen is capable. 

The honorable post you hold under the great 
General Washington, and so near his person, will 
give you a peculiar advantage for delineating his 
character, both in his amiable private virtues, and 
military abilities. And depend upon it, the very mi- 
nutiae of that incomparable man will be read with 
avidity by posterity. You know me too well, I hope, 
to suspect me of superstition ; yet I feel myself, at 
times, under a strong impulse io prophesy, that Wash- 
ington was boru for the deliverance of America — 
that that Providence who has raised and trained him 
up for that very purpose, will watch over his sacred 
life with a paternal and solicitous care ; will shield 



296 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

his head in every clay of battle — luill give him to 
see America free, flourishing, and happy — and will 
adorn his fame, among latest posterity, with a Gar- 
land of Laurel, more verdant, blooming, and en- 
viable, than ever adorned the brow of a Marl- 
borough ! 

The bearer of this line (if he shall be indeed so 
fortunate as to put it into your hand), is our wor- 
thy friend, Mr. Cornelius Durant, who is possessed 
of an ardent desire of having the honour of a short 
interview with General Washington ; principally, 
that he may have it to say, that he has seen and 
spoken to the greatest man of this Age: and, in- 
deed, considering Mr. Durant's personal worth; 
his uncommon zeal for, and attachment to, the 
American cause ; the losses he has sustained in 
attempting to assist her ; and his extraordinary ad- 
miration of, and love to, the General's character 
and person; few men more richly merit this indul- 
gence. If you still exist, and exist near the Gen- 
eral's person (and I have not yet seen your name 
among the lists of the slain or the disgraced), you 
can easily procure him this honour — and I trust 
you will. 

We are now blessed with, and certified of, the 
glorious news of Burgoyne's surrender to the im- 
mortal Gates ; another bright star in the Constel- 
lation of American Heroes : and we are momently 
expecting to hear, that General Washington has 



MILITARY CORRESPONDE^*CE. 297 

done something like the same by General Howe ! 
But we yet tremble in suspense — and it is indeed a 
jpainful one. Probably before this letter goes, we 
shall hear more of the matter. Our general ac- 
counts are favourable : and wiiile the Chevaux de 
frize are defended, we have no fears about Phila- 
delphia. May this campaign decide the matter ! 

By the time this reaches you, you will be (if you 
are at all) in winter quarters; and perhaps may be 
at leisure to write me a half folio, of w hich Mr. 
Durant will take care to write me duplicates or 
triplicates, for fear of miscarriage. 

A piece of mine, entitled " An Address to 
America, by a friend in a foreign government," 
has been sent to the Congress for publication (if 
approved). I know not yet its fate. It is, at least, 
an honestly designed and animating piece, but 
written incorrectly, and in a hurry. If you have 
seen it, prav give me your sentiments about it; but 
let it be on a loose paper enclosed in your letter ; 
for the knowledge of my being the author must 
be a profound secret here. 

My wishes are, that the God of Armies may 

defend and protect you, and cause you happily to 

survive, and to hand dow^n to posterity the present 

important scenes. Numbers here esteem you, and 

would join me in declaring themselves, as I do^ 

Dear Hamilton, 

Your ever affectionate friend and servant, 

Hugh Knox. 
VOL. I. 38 



298 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

[1778.] 

HAMILTON TO DUER. 

Head Quarters. 

Dear Sir : 

I take the liberty to trouble you with a few 
hints on a matter of some importance. Baron 
Steuben, who will be the bearer of this, waits on 
Congress to have his office* arranged upon some 
decisive and permanent footing. It will not be 
amiss to be on your guard. The Baron is a gen- 
tleman for whom I have a particular esteem; and 
whose zeal, intelligence, and success, the conse- 
quence of both, entitle him to the greatest credit. 
But I am apprehensive, with all his good qualities, 
a fondness for power and importance, natural to 
every man, may lead him to wish for more exten- 
sive prerogatives in his department than it will 
be for the good of the service to grant. I should 
be sorry to excite any prejudice against him on 
this account : perhaps I may be mistaken in my 
conjecture. The caution I give will do no harm 
if I am : if I am not, it may be useful. In either 
case, the Baron deserves to be considered as a 
valuable man, and treated with all the deference 
which good policy will warrant. 

On the first institution of this office, the General 
allowed him to exercise more ample powers than 

* Inspector-General of the Army. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 299 

would be proper for a continuance. They were 
necessary in the commencement, to put things in 
a train with a degree of despatch which the exi- 
gency of our affairs required : but it has been 
necessary to restrain them, even earlier than was 
intended. The novelty of the office excited ques- 
tions about its boundaries : the extent of its ope- 
rations alarmed the officers of every rank for their 
own rights. Their jealousies and discontents were 
rising fast to a height that threatened to overturn 
the whole plan. It became necessary to apply a 
remedy. The General has delineated the func- 
tions of the Inspectorship in general orders, a copy 
of which will be sent to Congress. The plan is 
good, and satisfactory to the army in general. 

It may be improved, but it will be unsafe to de- 
viate essentially from it. It is of course the 
General's intention, that whatever regulations are 
adopted by him, should undergo the revision, and 
receive the sanction, of Congress : but it is indis- 
pensable, in the present state of our army, that 
he should have the power, from time to time, to 
introduce and authorize the reformations necessa- 
ry in our system. It is a Avork which must be 
done by occasional and gradual steps ; and oug-ht 
to be entrusted to a person on the spot, who is 
thoroughly acquainted with all our defects, and 
has judgment sufficient to adopt the progressive 
remedies they require. The plan established 



300 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE, 

by Congress, on a report of the Board of War 
when Conway was appointed, appears to me ex- 
ceptionable in many respects. It makes the In- 
spector independent of the Commander-in-Chief; 
confers powers which would produce universal 
opposition in the army ; and, by making the pre- 
vious concurrence of the Board of War requisite 
to the introduction of every regulation which 
should be found necessary, opens such a continual 
source of delay as would defeat the usefulness of 
the institution. Let the Commander-in-Chief in- 
troduce, and the legislature afterwards ratify, or 
reject, as they shall think proper. Perhaps you 
will not differ much from me, when I suppose, 
that so far as relates to the Board of War, the for- 
mer scheme was a hrat of faction, and therefore 
ought to be renounced. 

There is one thing which the Baron has much 
at heart, which, in good policy, he can by no 
means be indulged in : it is the power of en- 
forcing that part of discipline which we under- 
stand by subordination, or an obedience to orders. 
This power can only be properly lodged with the 
Commander-in-Chief, and would inflame the whole 
army if put into other hands. Each Captain is 
vested with it in his company: each Colonel in 
his regiment : each General in his particular com- 
mand: and the Commander-in Chief in the whole. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 301 

When I began this letter, I did not intend 
to meddle with any other subject than the In- 
spectorship ; but one just comes into my head 
which appears to me of no small importance. 
The goodness, or force, of an army, depends as 
much, perhaps more, on the composition of the 
corps which form it, as on its collective number. 
The composition is good or bad, not only according 
to the quality of the men, but in proportion to the 
completeness or incompleteness of a corps in res- 
pect to numbers. A regiment, for instance, with a 
full complement of officers, and fifty or sixty men, 
is not half so good as a company with the same num- 
ber of men. A Colonel will look upon such a com- 
mand as unworthy his ambition, and will neglect 
and despise it : a Captain would pride himself in 
it, and take all the pains in his power to bring it 
to perfection. In one case we shall see a total 
relaxation of discipline, and negligence of every 
thing that constitutes military excellence : in the 
other, there will be attention, energy, and every- 
thing that can be wished. Opinion, wiiether well 
or ill-founded, is the governing principle of human 
affairs. A corps much below its establishment, 
comparing what it is with what it ought to be, 
loses all confidence in itself; and the whole army 
loses that confidence and emulation which are es- 
sential to success. These, and a thousand other 



302 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

things that will occur to you, make it evident, 
that the most important advantages attend the 
having complete corps, and proportional disadvan- 
tages the reverse. Ten thousand men, distribu- 
ted into twenty imperfect regiments, will not have 
the efficiency of the same number in half the 
number of regiments. The fact is, with respect 
to the American army, that the want of discipline, 
and other defects we labour under, are as much 
owing to the skeleton state of our regiments as 
to any other cause. What then ? 

Have we any prospect of filling our regiments ? 
My opinion is, that we have nearly arrived to our 
ne plus ultra. If so, we ought to reduce the 
number of corps, and give them that substance 
and consistency which they want, by incorporating 
them together, so as to bring them near their es- 
tablishment. By this measure the army would be 
infinitely improved ; and the State would be saved 
the expense of maintaining a number of super- 
fluous officers. 

In the present condition of our regiments, they 
are incapable even of performing their common 
exercises without joining two or more together : 
an expedient reluctantly submitted to by those offi- 
cers who see themselves made second in command 
of a batallion, instead of first, as their commis- 
sion imports ; which happens to every younger 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 303 

Colonel whose regiment is united with that of an 
elder. 

What would be the inconveniencies, while the 
officers who remain in command, and who might 
be selected from the others on account of superior 
merit, would applaud themselves in the preference 
given them, and rejoice at a change which confers 
such additional consequence on themselves ? 

Those Avho should be excluded by the measure, 
would return home discontented, and make a 
noise, which would soon subside and be forgotten 
among matters of greater moment. To quiet 
them still more effectually, if it should be thought 
necessary, they might be put upon half-pay for a 
certain time. 

If, on considering this matter, you should agree 
with me in sentiment, it were to be wished the 
scheme could be immediately adopted, while the 
arrangement now in hand is still unexecuted. If 
it is made, it will be rather inconvenient, imme- 
diately after, to unhinge and throw the whole sys- 
tem again afloat. 

When you determined on your last arrange- 
ment, you did not know what success the 
different States might have had in draughting and 
recruiting. It would then have been impro- 
per to reduce the number of corps, as pro- 
posed. We have now seen their success : we 



304 MILITARY CORRESPONBE^XE. 

have no prospect of seeing the regiments filled ; 
we should reduce them. 
Believe me to be, 

With great esteem and regard, 
Dear Sir, your obedient servant, 

A. Hamilton. 



HAMILTON TO THE MARQUIS DE LA FAYETTE. 

25th June, 1778. 

Sir : 

We find, on our arrival here, that the intelli- 
gence received on the road is true. The enemy 
have all filed off from Allen Town, on the Mon- 
mouth road. Their rear is said to be a mile 
westward of Lawrence Taylor's tavern, six miles 
from Allen Town. General Maxwell is at Hyde's 
Town, about three miles from this place. General 
Dickinson is said to be on the enemy's right flank ; 
but where, cannot be told. We can hear nothing 
certain of General Scott; but, from circumstances, 
he is probably at Allen Town. We shall, agree- 
ably to your request, consider and appoint some 
proper place of rendezvous for the union of our 
force, which we shall communicate to Generals 
Maxwell and Scott, and to yourself. In the mean 
time, I would recommend to you to move toward 
this place as soon as the convenience of your men 
will permit. I am told that Colonel Morgan is on 



the enemy's right flank, ^^"e had a slight skirmish 
with their rear this forenoon, at Robert Montgo- 
mery's, on the Monmouth road, leading from Allen 
Town. AVe shall see General Maxwell immedi- 
ately, and you will hear from us again. Send ibis 
to the General after reading it. 

I am, your ob't. serv't., 

Alex. Ha.iiiltox. 

Doctor Stile's house, Cranbury Town, 9 o'clock. 

We are just informed, that General Scott passed 
by Hooper's tavern, live miles from Allen Town, 
this afternoon at ti\e o'clock. 

M. De La Fayette. 



HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON. 

Robin's Ta%-ern, S miles from Allen Town, 12 o'clock 

June 26, 177S. 

Sir: 

We have halted the troops at this place. The 
enemy, by our last reports, were four miles from 
this (that is, their rear^, and had passed the road 
which turns oft' toward South Amboy, wliich de- 
termines their route toward Shrewsbury. Oiu* 
reason for halting, is the extreme distress of the 
troops for want of provisions. General Wayne's 
detachment is almost starving, and seems both un- 
willing and unable to march further till they are 
supplied. If we do not receive an immediate siip- 

voL. I. 39 



306 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

ply, the whole purpose of our detachment must 
be frustrated. 

This morning we missed doing- anything, from a 
deficiency of intelligence. On my arrival at Cran- 
bury yester-evening, I proceeded, by desire of the 
Marquis, immediately to Hyde's Town and Allen 
Town, to take measures for co-operating with the 
different parts of the detachment, and to find what 
was doing to procure intelligence. I found every 
precaution was neglected ; no horse was near the 
enemy, nor could be heard of till late in the morn- 
ing : so that before we could send out parties and 
get the necessary information, they were in full 
march : and as they have marched pretty expedi- 
tiously, we should not be able to come up with 
them during the march of the day, if we did not 
suffer the impediment we do, on the score of pro- 
visions. We are entirely at a loss where the 
army is, which is no inconsiderable check to our 
enterprise. If the army is wholly out of supporting 
distance, we risk the total loss of the detachment 
in making an attack. 

If the army will countenance us, we may do 
something clever. We feel our personal honour, 
as well as the honour of the army, and the good 
of the service, interested ; and are heartily desirous 
to attempt whatever the disposition of our men 
will second, and prudence authorize. It is evident 
the enemy wish to avoid, not to engage us. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 307 

Desertions, I imagine, hav^e been pretty conside- 
rable to-day. I have seen eight or ten deserters, 
and have heard of many more. We have had 
some httle skirmishing by detached parties : one 
attacked their rear guard with a degree of success, 
killed a few, and took seven prisoners. 

An officer is just come in, who informs that he 
left the enemy's rear five miles off, still in march, 
about half an hour ago. To ascertain still more 
fully their route, I have ordered a fresh party on 
their left, toward the head of their column. They 
have three brigades in rear of their baggage. 
I am, with great respect and regard. Sir, 
Your obedient servant, 

A. Hamilton. 

His Excellency General Washington- 



HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON. 

June 28, 1778. 

Sir : 

The result of what I have seen and heard, con- 
cerning the enemy, is, that they have encamped 
with their van a little beyond Monmouth Court 
House, and their rear at Manalapan's river, about 
seven miles from this place. Their march to-day 
has been very judiciously conducted ; — their bag- 
gage in front, and their flying army in the rear, 
with a rear guard of one thousand men about four 



308 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

hundred paces from the main body. To attack 
them in this situation, without being supported by 
the whole army, would be folly in the extreme. If 
it should be thought advisable to give the necessary 
support, the army can move to some position near 
the enemy's left flank, which would put them in a 
very awkward situation, with so respectable a 
body in their rear ; and it would put it out of their 
power to turn either flank, should they be so dis- 
posed. Their left is strongly posted, and I am 
told their right also. By some accounts, one part 
of their army lies on the road leading from the Mon- 
mouth road to South Amboy. It is not improba- 
ble that South Amboy may be the object. 

I had written thus far when your letter to the 
Marquis arrived. This puts the matter on a totally 
different footing. The detachment will march 
to-morrow morning at three o'clock to English 
Town. I am, with great regard and esteem. 
Your ob't. serv't., 

A. Hamilton. 

His Excellency Gen. Washington. 



HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON. 

Black Point, July 20, 1778. 

Sir: 
Enclosed I transmit your Excellency a letter from 
Count D'Estaing. He has had the river sounded, 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 309 

and finds he cannot enter. He will sail for Rhode 
Island to-morrow evening-. In the mean time, he 
is making demonstrations to deceive the enemy, 
and beget an opinion that he intends to operate 
in this quarter. He would sail immediately, but he 
waits the arrival, or to hear, of a frigate which 
carried Mr. Gerard to Delaware, and which he 
ajjpointed to meet him at Sandy Hook; so that he 
fears his sudden and unexpected departure, before 
she arrives, might cause her to be lost. He will 
not, however, wait longer than till to-morrow 
evening. We have agreed, that five cannon, fired 
briskly, shall be a signal of his arrival by day, and 
the same niunber, with five sky rockets, a signal 
by night. In communicating this to General Sulli- 
van, the Count wishes not a moment may be lost; 
and that he may be directed to have persons sta- 
tioned on the coast, and intermediate expresses, to 
facilitate the communication between them. Pi- 
lots will be a material article. He begs every 
thing may be forwarded as much as possible ; and 
as many troops collected as may be. He would 
be glad if a detachment could march from your 
army, or could be sent by water ; for which pur- 
pose he would send covering ships, and some ves- 
sels he has taken, by way of transports; but he 
cannot think of losing so much time as seems ne- 
cessary. If the water scheme could shorten it, it 
would be a happy circumstance. He recommends 



310 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

it to your attention ; and that you would take 
measures, if the end can be better answered in 
this way, and meet him with information of the 
part he may have to act to execute the plan. I 
perceive he can, with difficulty, debark four thou- 
sand troops ; but he will try to do it. 

I hope your Excellency will excuse my not 
being myself the bearer of these particulars ; the 
end may be answered by letter. Mr. Neville is 
anxious to get on. I just have heard of despatches 
arrived from you. I don't know but they may 
contain something new which may make the Count 
to wish a good conveyance to return an answer. 
My stay till to-morrow morning may answer that 
end. I shall not delay coming forward. 
I am, Sir, your most respectful 

And obedient servant, 

Alex. Hamilton. 

His Excellency General Washington. 



HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON. 

Newark, July 23, 1778, one o'clock. 

Sir: 
I wrote to your Excellency the evening of the 
20th, by Major Neville. I remained in the neigh- 
bourhood of Black Point till the afternoon follow- 
ing. The Count had received his expected des- 
patches from Congress, and was to sail, as I men- 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 311 

tioned before, the first fair wind. At Brunswick, 
yesterday, Mr. Caldwell joined me. He was im- 
mediately from the Point, and brought intelli- 
gence that the fleet got under way yesterday 
morning. The wind, unfortunately, has been 
much against them; which is so much the more 
to be regretted, as they are rather in want of 
water. 

I need not suggest to your Excellency, that an 
essential part of the Rhode Island plan, is to take 
every possible measure to watch the enemy's 
motions, and to establish expresses from place to 
place, to give the Count instant information of any 
movement among their fleet. This will enable 
him to be in time to intercept them, should they 
attempt to evacuate New York, while he is at 
Rhode Island ; and will, in general, facilitate the 
intercourse and co-operation between him and 
your Excellency. 

I have nothing new to communicate, beside 
what was sent by Major Neville, and what I now 
send. All the ideas interchanged between the 
Count and myself, were such as were familiar be- 
fore I left Head Quarters. He was to go to Rhode 
Island, and, in conjunction with General Sullivan, 
endeavour to possess himself of the enemy's ships 
and troops there ; if, on his arrival, he had good 
reason to think it could be effected without further 
assistance. If not, he will be glad of a reinforce- 



312 MILITARY CORRESPONDDNCE. 

ment from you in the most expeditious mannei' 
possible. What manner you think will be most 
expeditious, you will adopt ; and if his aid may be 
useful, he will afford it as soon as he is informed of 
it. 

This being the case, my immediate presence at 
Head Quarters is the less necessary as to this 
business; and I hope your Excellency will in- 
dulge me, if I do not make all the despatch back 
which a case of emergency would require ; though 
I do not mean to delay, more than a moderate at- 
tention to my frail constitution may make not im- 
proper. I have, &c., A. Hamilton. 

His Excellency Gen. Washington. 



LAURENS TO HAMILTON. 
My Dear Hamilton : 

You have seen, and by this time considered, 
General Lee's infamous publication. I have col- 
lected some hints for an answer; but I do not 
think, either that I can rely upon my own know- 
ledge of facts and style to answer him fully, or 
that it would be prudent to undertake it without 
counsel. An affair of this kind ought to be passed 
over in total silence, or answered in a masterly 
manner. 

The ancient secretary is the Recueil of modern 
history and anecdotes, and will give them to us 



MILITARY CORRESrONDENCE. 313 

with candour, elegance, and perspicuity. The pen 
of Junius is in your hand ; and I think you will, 
without difficulty, expose, in his defence, letters, and 
last production, such a tissue of falsehood and in- 
consistency, as will satisfy the world, and put him 
for ever to silence. 

I think the afl'air will be definitively decided in 
Congress this day. He has found means to league 
himself with the old faclion, and to gain a great 
many partisans. 

Adieu, my dear hoy. I shall set out for camp to- 
morrow. John Laurens. 



HAMILTON TO BARON STEUBEN. 

Head Quarters, 19th Dec, 1778. 

I snatch a hasty moment, my dear Baron, to 
acknowledge the receipt of your obliging favour 
of the sixth. It came here while I was absent 
in an interview with some British Commissioners 
on the subject of an exchange of prisoners, and 
w^as not delivered to me till two days ago. I am 
sorry that your business does not seem to make 
so speedy a progress as we ail wish ; but I hope 
it will soon come to a satisfactory termination. I 
wish you to be in a situation to employ yourself 
usefully and agreeably, and to contribute to giving 
our military constitution that order and perfection 
it certainly wants. I have not time now to enter 

VOL. I. 40 



314 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

upon some matters which I shall take another 
opportunity to give you my sentiments concern- 
ing. I have read your letter to Lee with plea- 
sure. It was conceived in terms which the offence 
merited; and if he had had any feeling, must have 
been felt by him. Considering the pointedness 
and severity of your expressions, his answer was 
certainly a very modest one, and proved that he 
had not a violent appetite for so close a tete a tete as 
you seem disposed to insist upon. This evasion, 
if known to the w^orld, would do him very little 
honour. I do n't know but I shall be shortly at 
Philadelphia : if so, I shall have the honour of 
personally assuring you of the perfect respect and 
esteem with which I am. 

My Dear Baron, 

Your most obedient servant, 

Alex, Hamilton. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 315 

ARMY REGULATIONS. 

[suggested by HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON.] 

There are still existing in the army so many abu- 
ses absolutely contrary to the military constitu- 
tion, that, without a speedy stop is put to them, it 
will be impossible even to establish any order or 
discipline among the troops. 

I would, therefore, propose the following Regu- 
lations; submitting to His Excellency the Comman- 
der-in-Chief, to distinguish such as may be publish- 
ed under his own authority in General Orders, and 
such as will require the sanction and authority of 
the committee of Congress now in camp. 

Istly. — Every officer or soldier who acts contra- 
ry to the Regulations for the order and discipline 
of the army, established by Congress, shall be tried 
and punished for disobedience of orders, 

2ndly. — Every officer who absents himself from 
his regiment without leave, shall be tried and 
punished. If he remain absent three weeks, he 
shall be ordered to join by a notification in General 
Orders, and in the public newspapers. And in case 
of his absence three weeks afterward, such noti- 
fication shall be repeated. And should he not re- 
turn in three weeks from the last notification, he 
shall, by the sentence of a court martial, be 
cashiered and rendered incapable of ever holding 



316 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

a commission in the armies of the United States. 

ordly. — Ev ery officer on furlough, who remains 
absent ten days longer than the time allowed 
him, shall be tried by a court martial. And in case 
of his being, by sickness or any other cause, de- 
tained from his regiment six days above the time 
allowed in his furlough, he shall inform the com- 
manding officer of his regiment of the reasons that 
prevent his returning. In default of such infor- 
mation, he shall be notified, tried, and punished, 
agreeably to the second article. 

4thly. — It being permitted, for the care and con- 
venience of the Generals, and other officers of the 
army, to take servants from the regiments, many 
abuses have resulted therefrom. To remedy which, 
the following Regulations are to take place for the 
future : 

Each Major-General is permitted to take from 
the division which he commands, four men. Each 
Brigadier-General, three men. Each Colonel, or 
Lieutenant-Colonel-Commandant, two men. Each 
Lieutenant-Colonel, or Major, one man, and a 
second man, who is to be exempted from ordinary 
duty, but to turn out in time of action. Each 
Captain, tv/o men, to be exempted from ordinary 
duty only. Each Subaltern, one man, who is to 
mount guard with the officer he serves. Those 
Generals, and other officers, who are not attached 
to any particular division or brigade, to take their 
servants from the line. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 317 

No officer in a civil department, shall be per- 
mitted to take a soldier from any regiment to serve 
him : nor is any Colonel, or commanding officer, to 
suffer a soldier of their regiment to be detained by 
any such officer. 

Those who may be permitted to have servants 
from the line, are to apply to the Quarter-Master- 
General, who will take them from the regiments, 
and distribute them to whom he thinks proper. 

5thly. — Great quantities of arms and ammunition 
have been destroyed, by being in the possession 
of men who do not use them in time of action. 
To prevent this, for the future, no arms, accoutre- 
ments, or ammunition, is to be delivered to tliose 
under the following description, viz : General and 
staff officers, waiters, waggoners, camp colour men, 
and all those who do not bear arms in time of ac- 
tion. Such of those as have arms, are immediate- 
ly to deliver them to their Captains, who will de- 
liver them to the Conductor, that they may be re- 
turned to the Field Commissary. 

6thly. — Abolition of standing guards, though of 
great consequence to the order and discipline of 
the army, has not yet taken place. The soldiers 
on these guards, being separated from their regi- 
ments, are often employed as servants. They be- 
come ignorant of the service, and lose and destroy 
their arms and clothing. Therefore, for the future, 
no standing guard shall be permitted to any Gene- 
ral, or other officer, on any pretence whatever. 



318 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

Those guards which cannot be relieved every 
twenty-four hours, must be relieved at least every 
three days ; for which the Inspectors and Majors 
of Brigade are to be answerable. All guards or 
pickets, for more than three days, shall be called 
detachments, 

7tlily. — The multiplicity of small guards, for the 
stores and baggage of the army, being unnecessary, 
and diminishing the strength of the regiments; it 
will be necessary to repeat the order given at 
Smith's Clove, the 25th of June last, relative to 
this object. It should therefore be ordered, that 

The order given at Smith's Clove the 25th of 
June last, relative to the guard usually furnished for 
the Quarter-Master's, and other stores, is to be 
carried into execution with the greatest rigour, and 
is to be regarded as a standing order. 

8thly. — It being very improper and hurtful to the 
service, that guards should be sent too far from 
the corps to which they belong ; it is ordered, 

That the general officers shall have their guard 
from the divisions and brigades to which they be- 
long : and those who have no division or brigade, 
shall be furnished with a guard from the line, by 
detail from the Adjutant-General. 

No General shall take his guard above ten miles 
from camp, without the express leave of the Com- 
mander-in Chief 

9thly. — Nothingbeing more disgraceful to the ser- 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 319 

vice, nor dangerous for the army, than for the ad- 
vanced posts to be surprised by the enemy ; it is 
necessary that cA^ery possible precaution should 
be taken, to prevent an accident so dishonourable 
to the officer who commands at such a post. And 
as the instruction given in the chapter on the ser- 
vice of the guard, in the Regulations, is not full and 
explicit, it is thought necessary to add the follow- 
ing article : 

As soon as an officer, commanding a detachment, 
arrives at the post he is to occupy, he must en- 
deavour to procure some inhabitant on whom he 
can depend, to show him all the roads, footpaths, and 
other avenues leading to the post. These he must 
himself reconnoitre, and then determine the num- 
ber of guards necessary for his security, as well in 
front, as on the flanks and in the rear of the post. 
He must then divide his detachment into three 
parts, one of which must be always on guard ; 
another, act as reserve picket; and the third, be 
off duty. 

The part destined for guard, must be divided into 
as many guards as the officer may think necessary : 
always observing, that the guards are so propor- 
tioned as that one-third of each guard may always 
be on sentry at the same time. 

These guards should be posted at three or four 
hundred paces from the main post, and the senti- 
nels form a chain round it. They must be within 



320 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

sight of each other during the day, and within 
call daring the night. 

The commanding officer having himself posted 
these guards and sentinels, and well instructed the 
officers and sergeants in their duty, will fix the 
place where he means to defend himself in case 
of an attack ; as a house, a height, or behind 
some bridge or fence, which he will strengthen as 
much as possible, by an abatis ditch, or anything 
his genius may direct him for that purpose. 

The reserve pickets are on no account to stir 
from the main post, or take off their accoutrements ; 
but must be ready to parade under arms at any 
moment of the day or night ; though, during the day, 
they may be permitted to lay down and sleep. Eve- 
ry man must have his haversack under his head ; 
and if the post is dangerous, his arms in his hand. 

The Reserve will furnish a guard of a sergeant 
and from six to twelve men, to furnish from two 
to four sentinels round the house, or wherever 
they are posted, to give notice of all that approach, 
or of any alarm. One of these sentries must al- 
ways be before the arms. 

That part of the detachment off duty, may un- 
dress and repose themselves. They must cook for 
the guard and picket, and fetch the wood and 
water necessary for the post ; but they must not 
do this before the roll-call in the morning, when 
the commanding officer receives the reports of all 
the guard. If the post is near the enemy, this 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 321 

part of the detachment must not undress during 
the night. 

As the guard form a chain of sentinels round the 
post, no soldier must pass the chain without a non- 
commissioned officer ; nor any stranger be permit- 
ted to enter, without being conducted to, and ex- 
amined by, the commanding officer. 

After roll-call in the evening, no soldier must 
be permitted to go more than forty paces from the 
place of arms. The officers, it is expected, always 
remain with their men. 

As soon as a sentry perceives the enemy, he 
must fire his piece to alarm the other guards and 
the main body. The guards immediately parade, 
and follow the rules prescribed in the Regulations. 
The picket parades immediately, and the other 
part joins it as fast as it can get ready. The com- 
manding officer wnll immediately detach one-third 
of the picket, with orders to march toward the 
guard attacked, and lay in ambuscade behind some 
house, barn, or in a wood on the road leading from 
them to the main post. And when the guard at- 
tacked, retreat, and are followed by the enemy, 
they must fall in the rear of the enemy, and keep 
up a scattered fire. This manojuvre, especially in 
the night, will not fail to disconcert the enemy, 
and cause a failure of their enterprise. 

The guard are, in every respect, to observe the 
rules laid down in the Regulations. 

The part on guard is to be relieved by the 

VOL. I. 41 



322 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

part off duty ; and the guard take the reserve 
picket. 

No part of the service is more important, nor 
more neglected, than this of the guard ; notwith- 
standing the duties are so particularly described in 
the Regulations. 

It is very seldom a guard turn out for a 
General officer of the day ; and even when they 
turn out, they are seldom or ever drawn up 
in the order prescribed. Therefore, for the future, 
the Generals, and Field officers of the day, are or- 
dered to pay the greatest attention, that the service 
of the guard is performed strictly conformable to 
the Regulations. For which purpose, they must 
visit the guards of sentinels at different hours, and 
arrest or confine any officer, or non-commissioned 
officer, whose guard is not already paraded in or- 
der at his arrival. A guard which is surprised by 
an officer of the day, may, with the same facility, 
be surprised by the enemy. If the sentinel before 
the guard-house, is not sufficient, others must be 
added, who can see around the environs of the 
post, and give notice of all that approach. 

For the more effectual preservation of the arms, 
accoutrements, and ammunition, each regiment 
shall be charged with the arms, &c., now in their 
possession, agreeably to the returns made at the 
last inspection. And for the future, none of those 
articles shall be drawn from the Field Commissary, 
but by returns signed by the Inspector of the Di- 



MILITARY CORRESrONDENCE. 323 

■vision, or, in his absence, by the Major of 
Brigade, doing his duty. And the Inspector and 
Major of Brigade, are to pay the strictest attention, 
that the Regulations, with respect to this object, 
are strictly carried into execution ; examining and 
comparing the Regimental Returns with those of 
the Conductors. 

In the Returns of the army, a great number of 
men are reckoned, who have been sick, or other- 
wise absent, a long time, without any account of 
them having been sent to their regiments. 

Orders must be given to the officers superintend- 
ing the hospitals, to send their Returns regularly 
every month ; and the Majors of Brigade must take 
an extract of those of their Brigades returned in 
the several hospitals, to compare with the Re- 
turns of the inspection. 

For those men who are sick in the country at 
private houses, certificates must be produced every 
two months, signed by a justice of the peace : and 
without such certificates, the men must no longer 
be returned ; though the regiment may keep an ac- 
count of them, that they be reclaimed if ever found. 

The army, even at this day, is much reduced, by 
a considerable number of men being permitted to 
retire on furlough and extra service. I would 
therefore recommend the following Regulations : 

That from the first of May till the campaign 
closes, no officer have leave of absence for more 



324 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

than eight days, unless by permission from the 
Commander-in Chief, or officer commanding at a 
separate post : and tliat no non-commissioned offi- 
cer, nor soldier, be furloughed, during the aforesaid 
period, unless by his IMajor-General, or officer com- 
manding at a separate post; and that, for only six 
days, and on the most special account. That 
during the army's continuance in winter quarters, 
not more than six men of a hundred, be absent on 
furlough at the same time ; tliese to have leave of 
absence from the officers commanding the regi- 
ments to which they belong. 

That every officer, non-commissioned officer, and 
soldier, now on furlough, or on the recruiting ser- 
vice, be ordered to join their respective corps, by 
the first of June; the commanding officers of regi- 
ments to be answerable that they be notified of 
this order. 

Notw ithstanding the General Order lately issued, 
respecting men on extra service, many are still im- 
properly absent. It is therefore ordered, that they 
join by the first of June ; the commanding officers 
of the regiments to which they respectively be- 
long, to be answerable that they be notified of this 
order. That for the future, none be suffered to go 
on such employ, except by order of the Comman- 
der-in-Chief, officers commanding at a separate 
post, or the Quarter-Master-General. 

The Marechaussie Corps, though raised at a great 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 325 

expense, has been found not to answer the purpose 
for which it was raised : and as, by its composition, 
it is not lit to be employed on the lines ; in order 
that they may not be useless to the army, I would 
propose the following 

Arrangement for the Marechaussie. 

That the name they at present bear, be changed 
into that of Generai-StafT-Dragoons ; and that they 
be employed in the following manner : 

To furnish a guard for the Commander-in-Chief, 
of such a number as he shall please to order. 

To furnish Orderly dragoons to Major-Generals 
and Brigadiers; w^hen their divisions and brigades 
are separated from the army, or when the Com- 
mander-in-Chief shall think them necessary. To 
furnish, also. Orderly dragoons to the Quarter-Mas- 
ter-General, and Inspector-General of the Army, 
and commanding officers of separate departments. 

The Inspector who has the department of the 
Cavalry, to have the direction of this corps; to 
furnish the guards and Orderly dragoons, agreea- 
bly to the orders he may receive from the Com- 
mander-in-Chief, without whose orders no dragoons 
shall be detached from the troop. 

To prevent the abuses which have arisen, with 
respect to Orderly dragoons, the following Order 
should be rigorously observed: 

No Orderly dragoons to be employed on any but 
military duty, nor sent express more than twenty 



326 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

miles ; their duty being only to carry the orders 
of the General in writing, whenever they may 
be ordered : nor are they to follow the Aids, 
or any other officer, but the General to whom they 
are Orderly ; who will himself consult the preser- 
vation of the horses as much as possible, by em- 
ploying them only in cases of necessity. 

No person whatever is to ride the dragoon 
horses but the dragoons themselves : and any 
dragoon is to inform the Inspector, of any breach 
of this order ; and the Inspector will immediately 
inform the Inspector-General thereof; that the 
person who made use of the horse, may be pun- 
ished. And in case any dragoon neglects to inform 
the Inspector as aforesaid, he shall receive one 
hundred lashes for such neglect. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE- 327 

[1779.] 
HAMILTON TO THE PRESIDENT OF CONGRESS. 

Head Quarters, March 14, 1779. 
DEAR SIR : 

Colonel Laurens, who will have the honour of 
delivering you this letter, is on his way to South 
Carolina, on a project which I think, in the pre- 
sent situation of affairs there, is a very good one, 
and deserves every kind of support and encou- 
ragement. This is, to raise two, three, or four 
battalions of negroes, with the assistance of the 
government of that State, by contributions from 
the owners, in proportion to the number they pos- 
sess. If you should think proper to enter upon 
the subject with him, he will give you a detail of 
his plan. He wishes to have it recommended by 
Congress to the State; and, as an inducement, that 
they would engage to take their battalions into 
Continental pay. 

It appears to me, that an expedient of this kind, 
in the present state of Southern affairs, is the most 
rational that can be adopted, and promises very 
important advantages. Indeed, I hardly see how 
a sufficient force can be collected in that quarter 
without it : and the enemy's operations there, are 
growing infinitely serious and formidable. I have 
not the least doubt, that the negroes will make 
very excellent soldiers, with proper management: 
and I will venture to pronounce, that they cannot 



328 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

be put in better hands than those of Mr. Laurens. 
He has all the zeal, intelligence, enterprise, 
and every other qualification, requisite to succeed 
in such an undertaking. It is a maxim with some 
great military judges, that, with sensible officers, 
soldiers can hardly be too stupid : and, on this 
principle, it is thought that the Russians would 
make the best soldiers in the w^orld, if they were 
under other officers than their own. The King of 
Prussia is among the number wiio maintains this 
doctrine, and has a very emphatic saying on the 
occasion, which I do not exactly recollect. I 
mention this, because I have frequently heard it 
objected to the scheme of embodying negroes, 
that they are too stupid to make soldiers. This is 
so far from appearing to me a valid objection, that 
I think their want of cultivation (for their natural 
faculties are as good as ours), joined to that habit 
of subordination which they acquire from a life of 
servitude, will enable them sooner to become 
soldiers than our white inhabitants. Let officers 
be men of sense and sentiment; and the nearer 
the soldiers approach to machines, perhaps the 
better. 

I foresee that this project will have to combat 
much opposition from prejudice and self-interest. 
The contempt we have been taught to entertain 
for the blacks, makes us fancy many things that 
are founded neither in reason nor experience ; and 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE* 329 

an unwillingness to part with property of so valua- 
ble a kind, will furnish a thousand arguments to 
show the impracticability, or pernicious tendency, 
of a scheme which requires such sacrifices. But 
it should be considered, that if we do not make 
use of them in this way, the enemy probably will; 
and that the best way to counteract the tempta- 
tions they will hold out, will be, to offer them our^ 
selves. An essential part of the plan is, to give 
them their freedom with their swords. This will 
secure their fidelity, animate their courage, and, I 
believe, will have a good influence upon those 
who remain, by opening a door to their emanci- 
pation. This circumstance, I confess, has no 
small weight in inducing me to wish the success 
of the project ; for the dictates of humanity, and 
true policy, equally interest me in favour of this 
unfortunate class of men. 

While I am on the subject of southern affairs, 
you will excuse the liberty I take in saying, that 
I do not think measures sufficiently vigorous are 
pursuing for our defence in that quarter. Except 
the few regular troops of South Carolina, we seem 
to be relying v/holly on the militia of that and 
the two neighbouring States. These will soon 
grow impatient of service, and leave our affairs in 
a miserable situation. No considerable force can 
be uniformly kept up by militia ; to say nothing' 
of the many obvious and well-known inconve- 

niencies that attend this kind of troops. I would 
VOL. I. 42 



330 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

beg leave to suggest, Sir, that no time ought to be 
lost in making a draught of militia to serve a twelve 
month, from the States of North and South Caro- 
lina and Virginia. But South Carolina, being very- 
weak in her population of whites, may be excused 
from the draught, on condition of furnishing the 
black battalions. The two others may furnish about 
three thousand five hundred men, and be exempted, 
on that account, from sending any succours to this 
army. The States to the northward of Virginia, 
will be fully able to give competent supplies to 
the army here ; and it will require all the force and 
exertions of the three States I have mentioned, to 
withstand the storm which has arisen, and is in- 
creasing in the South. 

The troops draughted, must be thrown into bat- 
talions, and officered in the best possible manner. 
The supernumerary officers may be made use of 
as far as they will go. If arms are wanted for 
their troops, and no better way of supplying them 
is to be found, we should endeavour to levy a 
contribution of arms upon the militia at large. 
Extraordinary exigencies demand extraordinary- 
means. I fear this southern business will become 
a very grave one. 

With the truest respect and esteem, 
I am. Sir, your most obedient servant, 

Alex. Ha3iilton. 

His Excell'y John Jay, President of Congress. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 331 

HAMILTON TO LAURENS. 

Cold in my professions — warm in my friend- 
ships — I wish, my dear Laurens, it were in my 
power, by actions, rather than words, to convince 
you that I love you. I shall only tell you, that 
till you bid us adieu, I hardly knew the value 
you had taught my heart to set upon you. Indeed , 
my friend, it was not well done. You know the 
opinion I entertain of mankind ; and how much 
it is my desire to preserve myself free from par- 
ticular attachments, and to keep my happiness in- 
dependent of the caprices of others. You should 
not have taken advantage of my sensibility, to 
steal into my affections without my consent. But 
as you have done it, and as we are generally in- 
dulgent to those we love, I shall not scruple to 
pardon the fraud you have committed, on one 
condition ; that for my sake, if not for your own, 
you will continue to merit the partiality which 
you have so artfully instilled into me. 

I have received your two letters: one from 
Philadelphia, the other from Chester. I am 
pleased with your success so far; and I hope the 
favourable omens that precede your application 
to the Assembly, may have as favourable an issue ; 
provided the situation of affairs should require it, 
which I fear will be the case. But, both for your 
country's sake, and for my own, I wish the enemy 



332 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

may be gone from Georgia before you arrive ; and 
that you may be obJiged to return, and share the 
fortunes of your old friends. In respect to the 
commission which you received from Congress, 
all the world must think your conduct perfectly 
right. Indeed, your ideas upon this occasion, seem 
not to have their wonted accuracy ; and you have 
had scruples, in a great measure, without founda- 
tion. By your appointment as Aid-de-Camp to 
the Commander-in-Chief, you had as much the 
rank of Lieutenant-Colonel as any officer in the 
line. Ycur receiving a commission as Lieutenant- 
Colone', from the date of that appointment, does 
not, in the least, injure or interfere Avith one of 
them; unless, by virtue of it, you are introduced 
into a particular regiment, in violation of the 
right of succession, which is not the case at pre- 
sent, neither is it a necessary consequence. As 
you Avere going to command a battalion, it was 
proper you should have a commission ; and if this 
commission had been dated posterior to your ap- 
pointment as Aid-de-Camp, I should haA'-e con- 
sidered it derogatory to your former rank, to mine, 
and to that of the whole corps. The only thing 
I see wrong in the affair is this : Congress, by their 
conduct, both on the former and present occasion, 
appear to have intended to confer a privilege, an 
honour, a mark of distinction, a something upon 
you, which they Avithheld from other gentlemen 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 333 

of the family. This carries with it an air of 
preference, which, though we can all truly say 
we love your character and admire your military 
merit, cannot fail to give some of us uneasy sen- 
sations. But in this, my dear, I wish you to un- 
derstand me well. The blame, if there is any, 
falls wholly upon Congress. I repeat it, your con- 
duct has been perfectly right, and even laudable. 
You rejected the oifer when you ought to have 
rejected it ; and you accepted it when you ought 
to have accepted it; and let me add, with a de- 
gree of over-scrupulous delicacy. It was neces- 
sary to your project. Your project was the pub- 
lic good; and I should have done the same. In 
hesitating, you have refined on the refinements of 
generosity. 

There is a total stagnation of news here. Gates 
has refused the Indian command. Sullivan is 
come to take it. The former has lately given a 
fresh proof of his impudence, his folly, and his 
*********. 'Tis no great matter; but a pecu- 
liarity in the case prevents my saying what. 

Fleury shall be taken care of All the family 
send love. In this, join the General and Mrs, 
Washington ; and what is best, it is not in the 
style of ceremony, but sincerity. 



334 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 



COLONEL BROOKS TO HAMILTON. 

West Point, July 4, 1779. 
DEAR SIR : 

Those who, under the sacred pretence of serv- 
ing their country, are endeavouring to subvert its 
happiness, I consider equally dangerous to society 
with those who can tax a faithful servant of the 
public with acting that inconsistent part. 

To hear the character of a gentleman, whom 
we suppose deserving, traduced and villified, and 
his reputation cruelly stabbed, silently and with- 
out emotion, must be attended with as great, or 
greater, degree of criminality, than to remain the 
unfeeling, unmoved spectator of the most base 
and villainous murder. The bystander, in either 
case, becomes an accessary. 

Upon these principles, I found the propriety, nay, 
necessity, of giving you a piece of intelligence, 
which affects many, in some degree ; but you, Sir, 
most intimately. 

Being in company with Mr. Dana, member of 
Congress, some time since, it was observed by that 
gentleman, that many persons in the army, were 
acting under a cloak of defending their country, 
from principles totally incompatible with its safety. 
Upon its being demanded who those characters 
were ; after declining an ecclaircissement of so 
vague and undeterminate a charge for some time. 



3IILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 335 

he fixed at length on Colonel Hamilton ; who, he 
asserted, had declared in a public coffee house in 
Philadelphia, that it was high time for the people 
to rise, join General Washington, and turn Con- 
gress out of doors. To render this account in the 
highest degree probable, he further observed, that 
Mr. Hamilton could be no ways interested in the 
defence of this country ; and, therefore, was most 
likely to pursue such a line of conduct as his great 
ambition dictated. 

As this representation gave me real pain, I was 
determined to make such inquiry as to satisfy my 
own doubts about the matter. The consequence, 
in either case, whether true or false, was disagree- 
able. If true, it would be a sad proof of the fal- 
lacy of appearances, and the impropriety of 
making either words or actions the criterion of 
forming a judgment of characters ; and, conse- 
quently, the impossibility of ever knowing a man's 
real character at all. If false, the idea of the 
charge that must necessarily fall upon a person of 
so highly dignified a station, must be greatly mor- 
tifying — as it would afford an instance of a w ant 
of that honour and regard to truth, so eminently 
necessary in the patriot and statesman. As it is 
of the highest importance that, at this period, all 
characters, in public life especially, should be in- 
dubitably and decidedly fixed, I shall contribute 
my share towards bringing this affair to a proper 



336 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

issue. And should this letter be of any service to 
you for this end, you have my full permission to 
make such use of it as you may judge proper. I 
could wish an avowal or disavowal of Mr. Dana's 
charge, when convenient for you ; as it may ena- 
ble me to place the matter in a more just point of 
light than it stands in at present, among the cir- 
cle of officers who have been made acquainted 
with it from him. 

I am, dear Sir, 

Your most ob't. humble serv't. 

J. Brooks. 

Colonel Hamilton. 



HAMILTON TO FRANCIS DANA. 

New Windsor, July 11, 1779. 

Sir: 
I have received a letter from Colonel Brooks, of 
which the enclosed is a copy. In my reply to 
him, I pronounced the whole affair to be absolute- 
ly false and groundless, and pledged myself to 
make it appear so. The intention of this letter is 
to inquire, whether you avow or disavow the con- 
versation he relates ; and ii^ the former, to demand, 
in explicit and direct terms, your authority. You 
must be sensible, Sir, that the charge is too inter- 
esting to my feelings and reputation to allow me 
to suffer its being protracted to a tedious and inde- 
cisive issue ; and I must expect that, as a man of 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 337 

honour, your answer will be immediate and unre- 
served. 

If the observations you are said to have thrown 
out, to enforce the probability of the declaration 
ascribed to me, were really made use of; they 
are of so personal and illiberal a complexion, as 
will oblige me to make them the subject of a very 
different kind of discussion from the present, at 
some convenient season. 

I have requested Colonel Henley, to whom I 
have communicated the nature of its contents, to 
deliver you this letter, and to receive your answer 
and forward it to me. 

I have the honour to be, Sir, 

Your most ob't. servant, 

A. Hamilton. 

Francis Dana, Esquire. 



HAMILTON TO COLONEL HENLEY. 

Head Quarters, New Windsor, July 12, 1779. 

Dear Sir : 

I take the liberty to trouble you with a letter 
for Mr. Dana, which I have left open for your pe- 
rusal; and I request it as a favour, which I hope I 
may claim from your friendship, to deliver it to 
him, and press for a speedy answer. I think you 
sufficiently know my character and way of think- 
ing, to be convinced I could never have expressed 

VOL. I. 43 



338 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

sentiments of the kind imputed to me ; and you 
will therefore be the more ready to afford me )'^our 
good offices upon this occasion. There is no other 
gentleman in Boston, whose friendship I could so 
far intrude upon. 

I am, with great regard, dear Sir, 
Your most ob't. serv't, 

A. Hamilton, 
Colonel David Henley. 



DANA TO HAMILTON. 

Cambridge, July 25, 1779. 

Sir : 

Your letter of the tenth instant, enclosing one 
from Col. Brooks, of the fourth, was put into my 
hands the day before yesterday by Colonel Hen- 
ley, at Boston. I shall notice such parts only of 
Colonel Brooks' as immediately respect you. I 
have a full recollection of expressing myself in 
part of you, but little variant in terms, though es- 
sentially so in substance, from what Colonel Brooks 
has mentioned in his letter. A conversation ari- 
sing concerning the discontents of the army ; in the 
course of it I spoke as follows : " I have heard 
Colonel Hamilton should have said, that it was 
high time for the people to rise, join General 
Washington, and turn Congress out of doors. How 
true it is, I know not ; but it can easily be ascer- 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE . 339 

tained whether true or not, because it is said to 
have been spoken openly in tlie public coifee 
house in Philadelphia." And I subjoined, " If true, 
that, or any other officer who should express him- 
self so, ought to be broke, whatever his particular 
services may have been ;" but that " to render this 
in the highest degree probable," I further ob- 
served, " that Mr. Hamilton could be no way in- 
terested in the defence of this country, and there- 
fore was most likely to pursue such a line as his 
great ambition dictated." I do not recollect, or 
imagine, but I do believe an observation somewhat 
similar was made in the company immediately upon 
my mentioning the declaration above. I suppose 
Colonel Brooks has unintentionally blended con- 
versation had at different times, and imputed to me 
what was said in part by others. As to the authori- 
ty upon which I mentioned the above declaration, 
I had it from the Reverend Doctor ****** ^ of 
Jamaica Plain. I could give a more minute de- 
tail of circumstances, but think it no way neces- 
sary ; and as Col. Hamilton will know the au- 
thority upon wiiich I mentioned the declaration, 
so I presume he will be satisfied I did not fabricate 
it ; as I am, from his denial of it, that he never 
made it. I have the honour to be, Sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 
Fra. Dana. 
Colonel Alexander Hamilton. 



340 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

HAMILTON TO BROOKS. 

West Point, August 6, 1779. 

Dear Sir: 

I enclose you the copy of a letter which I re- 
ceived by the last post from Mr. Dana. You will 
perceive, he says he does not recollect, or imagine, 
that he threw out the observation mentioned by 
you, respecting the probability of my having made 
the declaration with which I am charged; but be- 
lieves it was used by some other person in com- 
pany, and that you had unintentionally blended 
the conversation. As I .am anxious to have this 
affair developed in all its circumstances, in a clear 
and unequivocal manner, I request you will do me 
the favour to inform me, whether your memory, in 
this particular, is distinct and positive; or whether 
it is probable you may have committed the mis- 
take which Mr. Dana supposes. In the last case, 
I shall be obliged to you to endeavour to recol- 
lect the real author of the insinuation. Any 
other remarks which Mr. Dana's state of the 
matter may appear to you to require, will add to 
the obligation you have already conferred on. Sir, 
Your most obedient humble servant, 

Alex. Hamilton. 

P. S. I shall thank you for your answer to-mor- 
row, that I may have time to take the necessary 
measures before the next post sets out. 

Lieutenant-Colonel Brooks. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 341 

BROOKS TO HAMILTON. 

West Point, August 8, 1779. 

Dear Sir: 

I received yours of the 6th instant, enclosing one 
from Mr. Dana, yesterday, but was unable, on ac- 
count of duty, to answer it till to-day. In com- 
pliance with your request, I must inform you, that 
my recollection of the whole affair in question, is 
clear and full. Mr. Dana, as I observed in my 
other letter, was declaring that there were dan- 
gerous, designing men in the army ; and after he 
had related what was said to have passed in the 
coffee house at Philadelphia, he not only subjoined 
what he mentions in his letter, but previously 
declared he believed it to be true. He then added 
what he excepts against in my letter. 

That I expressed what he said, verbatim, I do 
not pretend ; but the ideas are the same. I rather 
represented the matter favourably on Mr. Dana's 
side than otherwise. The words desperate for- 
tune, which I omitted in my other letter, w^ere, 
more than once, applied to you. 

Mr. Dana might have saved himself the trouble 
of supposing I had " unintentionally blended con- 
versation had at different times," if he had but re- 
collected, that the time referred to, was the only 

one that I ever conversed with him upon the sub- 
ject. 

I am so far from agreeing with him, in supposing 



342 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

that I imputed to him what was in part said by 
others, that I positively declare Mr. Dana to be the 
only person who made an unfavourable represen- 
tation of your character. He cannot have forgot 
his holding up you, and persons of the same stamp, 
as dangerous, and pressing upon the officers to 
watch and guard against such. He cannot deny 
saying, the plan in which you were engaged, 
would be fatal to the liberties of this country — 
that it was a plan pleasing to the Tories, in which 
they would readily engage. 

As there was a possibility of my memory's failing 
me, I have inquired of Colonels Marshall and Wes- 
son, who were present, and are as full and positive 
upon every circumstance as I am. I do not won- 
der at your being anxious to have the matter de- 
veloped. I wish it, too. And should this contri- 
bute in any degree to the end proposed, it will be 
an additional happiness to, Sir, 

Your most ob't. serv't., 

Colonel Hamilton. J. Brooks. 



HAMILTON TO DANA. 

West Point, August 10, 1779. 

Sir: 

The last post brought me your letter of the 25tli 
of July, which I transmitted to Colonel Brooks, ac- 
companied by some inquiries that appeared to me 
necessary. A copy of my letter to him, and of his 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 343 

answer, are enclosed. You will see that he insists 
positively on your having made the offensive ob- 
servation before imputed to you ; adds several ag- 
gravating particulars to his first relation ; and ap- 
peals to two other gentlemen who were present, 
and agree with him in all the circumstances. The 
affair now stands on such a footing, that nothing 
less than a peremptory denial of the exceptionable 
facts alleged by Colonel Brooks, will permit me to 
act otherwise than on the presumption of their 
reality. I have written to Doctor ****** 
by this opportunity. I have tlie honour to be, 
Sir, your most ob't. servant, 
Francis Dana, Esq. A. Hamilton. 



HAMILTON TO DOCTOR ******. 

West Point, August 10, 1779. 

Sir: 

You will find, by the enclosed copy of a letter of 
the 25th of July, from Mr. Dana, that he mentions 
you as his author for a charge of a very singular na- 
ture, that has been brought against me, relative to 
a declaration which I am said to have made in the 
public coffee house at Philadelphia. Conscious 
that this charge is totally destitute of foundation, I 
owe it to myself to investigate its source, and 
evince its falsehood. And as I cannot but believe, 
that you have too great a regard to the interests of 



344 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

truth and justice, to withhold your aid in detect- 
ing the inventor of a cakimny ; I persuade myself 
you will cheerfully disclose the authority on which 
your information to Mr. Dana was founded. This 
I now call for ; and you will no doubt consider it 
a duty, as well to yourself as to me, to give an im- 
mediate, direct, and explicit answer ; sensible that 
the least hesitation, or reserve, may give room for 
conjectures, which it can be neither your wish nor 
mine to excite. Colonel Henley will do me the fa- 
vour to receive and forward your letter. 
I am, W'ith due respect, Sir, 

Your most ob't. humble serv't., 

A. Hamilton. 
Doctor ******, 



DOCTOR ****** TO HAMILTON. 

Jamaica Plain, August 25, 1779. 

Sir : 

Upon my return home from a visit on Monday 
evening, I received yours without a date. 

However common the principle may be, on w hich 
you urge me to an immediate, direct, and explicit 
ansiver ; as though the least hesitation, or reserve, 
might give room for conjectures, which it can he nei- 
ther your vjish nor mine to excite ; it is certainly a 
false one. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 345 

in many cases, a gentleman may receive infor- 
mation from persons of indisputable character, 
which it may be highly proper for him to commu- 
nicate, without discovering the informer ; and I 
am convinced you will think with me, when you 
have been more conversant with the world, and 
read mankind more. Neither will such gentleman, 
when conscious of his own integrity, and of es- 
tablished character, regard the conjectures of those 
who are almost, or altogether, strangers to him. 

I do not mean, by advancing these sentiments, 
to refuse you any aid in detecting the inventor of 
a calumny. Mr. Dana mentions his having the de- 
claration, alluded to in his letter, from me. He 
communicated to me Colonel Brooks' letter to you, 
and yours to himself, and the substance of what he 
intended to write. I objected to nothing regard- 
ing myself, excepting its being said public coffee 
house, in which I supposed him mistaken. I un- 
derstood it was a puhlic house, but rather thought 
it was not the coffee house. That excepted, and 
the sentiment was as he hath represented, whether 
the words were identically the same or not. 

I am glad to find, by what you have wrote, that 
you have lost all remembrance of it ; as it serves 
to show, that it was the effect of a sudden trans- 
port, and not of a depraved judgment. You will 
infer from hence, that I suppose the sentiment to 
have been spoken. I do : upon the belief that 
VOL. I. 44 



346 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

my informer was a person of veracity, and could 
not be mistaken. The reasons are these : His 
general character, and his declaring that it was 
uttered in his hearing. I saw him in his way from 
Philadelphia. He left the city sometime after the 
inhabitants had been inflamed and divided by Mr. 
Dean's imprudent address, in which he promised 
us great discoveries, though he hath made none ; 
and by which he raised a jealousy of Congress, and 
put many upon clamouring against them. In this 
crisis, and I conjecture through conversation lead- 
ing to it, you was betrayed into a speech tanta- 
mount to the representation made me. You was 
not the only one that spake unguardedly at this 
season. Persons of equal, or even superior, rank , 
are known to have done it; and many in the mili- 
tary department, having been soured by the hard- 
ships they had undergone, and an apprehended 
neglect of their grievances, and, on the part of 
Congress, backwardness to redress them, seeming- 
ly took a part with Mr. Dean ; and the unguarded 
expressions that fell from them, then and after- 
wards, proved alarming to weak but good minds. 
I was much hurt in my own feelings, because of 
the wrong, I am convinced, it led some to do His 
Excellency, in fearing that such sentiments were 
dropt in his presence without meeting with a 
proper check. 

My informer told me, that he took notice to you 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 347 

of the unsuitableness of such like expressions, with 
which you was rather displeased ; but that he in- 
sisted further upon it, and that there it ended. I 
should infer from the representation given me, that 
there were others in company. I have not men- 
tioned his name ; but if you cannot possibly recol- 
lect having said anything like what he reported ; 
continue to view it as a calumny ; and insist upon 
knowing him ; I do not imagine he would object 
to it. But, whether he doth or not, shall mention 
him ; upon your assuring me, upon your honour, that 
you will neither give nor accept, cause to be given 
nor accepted, a challenge upon the occasion, nor 
engage in any rencounter that may produce a duel. 
For though duels do not, in general, produce more 
than the honourable settlement of a dispute ; yet 
they may be the unhappy cause of the public's 
losing good and useful members : and upon the 
principles of religion I am totally averse to them. 
You must further assure me, that you will admit 
of the matter's being thoroughly examined into by 
Congress, or individuals of the first character. 
The oversights of individuals too often raise pre- 
judices against a whole body. It is common, and 
yet commonly condemned. I am convinced, that 
notwithstanding the natural tendency of martial 
manners, there are as good citizens m the military 
line, as out of it : and I hope that the event will 
ever show, that by far the majority of our officers 



348 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

love the liberties of citizens more than any earth- 
ly command whatsoever. I as earnestly wish^ 
that the citizens of the United States may do jus- 
tice to the army, and their own engagements, by 
keeping up to the spirit of them, wherein it is possi- 
ble, that so our brave troops may not have any 
just cause of complaint, when affairs are brought 
to a settlement. 

Sir, your most obedient humble servant, 

William ******. 



DANA TO HAMILTON. 

Boston, August 25, 1779. 

Sir: 
I received your letter of the 10th instant, last 
Sunday evening, at Cambridge, by the hand of Co- 
lonel Henley, enclosing a copy of your letter of the 
6th, to Lieutenant-Colonel Brooks, and his answer 
to the same. I should have earlier acknowledged 
the receipt of them, but I thought proper to accom- 
pany such acknowledgement w ith such evidence 
as I could collect from one of the company present 
with Colonels Marshall, Wesson, and Brooks, at 
the time the conversation alluded to was had. For, 
till the receipt of your last, I had not communi- 
cated the subject of our correspondence to any one, 
except to Doctor ******, being unwilling to name 
him as my author, before I had seen him, and ob- 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 349 

tained his consent, which he readily gave. The 
account given you in my first letter, was from my 
own memory, which I have not yet seen cause to 
believe hath failed me. 

Your several letters, together with all their en- 
closures, and also my letter of the 25th ultimo, in 
answer, I have shown to General Ward, who has 
a good recollection of the conversation in question, 
and concurs with me in the representation I have 
made of it; and particularly remembers that what 
you distinguish as '' the offensive observ^ation," 
was not made by me ; but that one in nearly simi- 
lar terms was made by another gentleman in com- 
pany. I have little doubt, but it is in my power 
to produce further evidence of the same sort from 
one other gentleman, who is now at a considerable 
distance from hence ; and as soon as it can conve- 
niently be done, I shall endeavour to obtain it, if it 
be only to balance this dispute in point of num- 
bers at least. At present there are three to two : 
perhaps I may be able to throw the balance on the 
other side. I must be excused taking notice of 
any new matter thrown out by Colonel Brooks in 
his last letter, for the present. I am. Sir, &c., 

Fra. Dana. 

P. S. Perhaps it may occur to Colonel Brooks, 
upon recollection, that we had some conversation 
respecting the army and some characters in it, on 
our passage over Charles' river, from Boston to 
Charlestown, which was occasioned by a report. 



350 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

that two regiments in Glover's brigade, at Rhode 
Island^ had thrown down their arms and disbanded 
themselves ; and somebody's saying " that the 
army would, by and by, turn their arms upon the 
country, and do themselves justice." If he should 
recollect this, he will, at the same time, recollect 
that Colonels Marshall and Wesson w^ere not pre- 
sent. 

N. B. Mr. Dana has shown me the whole corre- 
spondence between Colonel Hamilton and himself, 
respecting a certain conversation mentioned in it, 
at which I was present : and I do concur with him 
in the representation he has made of it ; particu- 
larly that he did not make the observation re- 
specting Colonel Hamilton, now in question ; but 
that that, or one nearly in like terms, was made 
by another gentleman then present. 

Artemas Ward. 

Col. Alex. Hamilton. 



HENLEY TO HAMILTON. 

Boston, 1st September, 1779. 

Dear Sir: 

The enclosed is Mr. Dana's letter in answer to 
your last. The long detention of this, is occasioned 
for this gentleman to procure and support any evi- 
dence in favour of himself, to confute some part 
of Colonel Brooks' charge. 

I do think, upon examination, you will find Doc- 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 351 

tor ****** the cause of this mischievous and false 
report. 'The other day he was proved a liar in 
the public street ; and had it not been for his 
cloth, I am sure would have been most severely 
dealt with. He more than once has occasioned 
quarrels by his conduct. I congratulate you upon 
the success of Powles Hook. Major Lee has given 
proof of his bravery and enterprise, as likewise 
upon the arrival of eight fine Jamaica ships, with 
five to six hundred hogsheads of rum and sugar. 
But to counterbalance these clever acquisitions, 
Penobscot is a most shameful instance of want of 
counsel, wisdom, and exertion. We have lost 
near twenty sail of our best vessels of war, besides 
a number of others — the army and the continent 
will feel this blow, for the difference is great in 
losing them ; as, on the contrary, had they been 
to sea on their cruizes, it is more than probable, 
a vast number of prizes would have made their 
appearance into our ports. However, we are en- 
deavouring, fast as possible, to replace them, and 
near as many ships are now set up at the different 
ship yards. 

Please to make my respectful compliments to 
the General and the family, and believe me, with 
sincere regard, dear Sir, 

Your humble servant, 

David Henley. 

Alex. Hamilton, Esq. 



352 3IILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

HAMILTON TO DOCTOR ******. 

West Point, September 5, 1779. 

Sir : \ 

I have received your letter of the 25th of 
August, which you will probably not be surprised 
to hear is by no means satisfactory. Instead of 
giving up the author of the accusation, you chari- 
tably suppose me guilty ; and amuse yourself in a 
strain of conjecture (which, whatever ingenuity it 
may have, was certainly unnecessary) about the 
manner in which the affair happened, and the mo- 
tives that produced it. Your entering a volunteer 
to apologize for me, is no doubt a mark of your 
condescension and of your benevolence ; and 
would make it ungrateful, as well as indecent, to 
suspect, that the conditions with which you fetter 
a compliance with my request, proceed from any 
other cause than a laudable, though, perhaps, in 
this instance, an officious, zeal for the interests of 
religion, and for the good of society. It shall 
never be said, that you had recourse to a pitiful 
evasion, and attempted to cover the dishonour of 
a refusal under a specious pretence of terms, 
which you knew, as a gentleman, I should be 
obliged to reject. I venture, how ever, with every 
allowance for the sanctity of your intentions, and 
with all possible deference for your judgment, to 
express my doubts of the propriety of the conces- 
sions you require on my part, as preliminaries to 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 353 

a discovery, which I still think you are bound to 
make as an act of justice. This is a principle 
from which I can never depart : and I am con- 
vinced I shall have the common sense and feel- 
ings of mankind on my side. An opinion of my 
inexperience seems to have betrayed you into mis- 
takes. Whatever you may imagine, Sir, I have 
read the world sufficiently to know, that though it 
may often be convenient to the propagator of a 
calumny, to conceal the inventor, he will stand 
in need of no small address, to escape the sus- 
picions, and even the indignation, of the honest 
and of the disinterested. Nor can I but per- 
sist in believing that, notwithstanding the con- 
fidence which, from a very natural partiality, 
you place in your own character, the delicacy of 
your sentiments will be alarmed at the possibility 
of incurring tliis danger, and will prevent your 
exposing yourself to it, by refusing, or delaying, 
any longer to comply with so reasonable a demand. 

It often happens, that our zeal is at variance 
with our understanding. Had it not been for this, 
you might have recollected, that we do not now 
live in the days of chivalry ; and you would have 
then judged your precautions, on the subject of 
duelling, at least useless. The good sense of the 
present times has happily found out, that to prove 
your own innocence, or the malice of an accuser, 
the worst method you can take, is to run him 

VOL. I. 45 



354 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

through the body, or shoot him through the head. 
And permit me to add, that while you felt an aver- 
sion to duelling, on the principles of religion, you 
ought, in charity, to have supposed others pos- 
sessed of the same scruples; of whose impiety 
you had had no proofs. But whatever may be 
my final determination on this point, ought to 
be a matter of indifference. 'Tis a good old 
maxim, to which we may safely adhere in most 
cases, that we ought to do our duty, and leave the 
rest to the care of heaven. The crime alleged to 
me, is of such enormity, that, if I am guilty, it 
ought not to go unpunished ; and, if I am innocent, 
I should have an opportunity of vindicating my 
innocence. The truth, in either case, should ap- 
pear ; and it is incumbent upon you. Sir, to afford 
the means, either by accusing me to my civil or 
military superiors, or by disclosing the author of 
the information. 

Your anxiety to engage me " to admit of the 
matter's being thoroughly examined into by Con- 
gress, or individuals of the first character," was 
equally superfluous. I am at all times amenable 
to the authority of the State and of the laws : and 
whenever it should be the pleasure of Congress, 
the means of bringing me to justice for any crime 
I may have committed, are obvious and easy, 
without the assistance of a formal stipulation on 
my side. I shall not expose myself to the ridicule 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 355 

of self importance, by applying to Congress for an 
inquiry ; nor shall I invite the charge of imper- 
tinence, by promising to do what I have no power 
to refuse. I shall only declare, for my own satis- 
faction, that so far as concerns myself, nothing 
would give me greater pleasure, than to undergo 
the strictest scrutiny, in any legal mode, into the 
rectitude of my conduct on this, and on every other, 
occasion, as a soldier or as a citizen. With res- 
pect to an examination by individuals of charac- 
ter ; whenever I have it in my power to confront 
my accuser, I shall take care to do it in presence 
of witnesses of the first respectability, who will 
be able, from what they see and hear, to tell the 
world that I am innocent and injured, and that he 
is a contemptible defamer. 

It is, no doubt, unfortunate for me that you have 
prejudged the case, and are of a different opinion. 
You profess to give credit to the story, because, 
you say, your informer " is a man of veracity, and 
could not be mistaken'' From this description, he 
is probably not a soldier, or you would have been 
more inclined to suppose him fallible. But who- 
ever he may be, you have certainly shown a fa- 
cility in believing that he does honour to your 
credulity, at the expense of your candour. I pro- 
test, Sir, this is the first time I have heard my 
own veracity called in question. Had you not 
given a sanction to the contrary by your example. 



356 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

I should have indulgently flattered myself, that I 
had as much right to he believed as another ; and 
that my denial was a counterbalance to the asser- 
tion of your informant, and left the affair in sus- 
pense, to be decided by the future circumstances. 
You pursue a difi'erent line ; and, in the overflow- 
ing of your pious hatred to political heresy, have 
determined that I must be guilty at all events. 
You ascribe the denial to a defect of memory ; and 
pretend to think it more likely that I should have 
lost all recollection of the fact, than that you 
should have been misinformed. Far from accept- 
ing, I absoh-itely reject the apology you make 
for me, and continue to believe it impossible I 
could have made a declaration similar to the one 
reported. For I abhor the sentiment it contains, 
and am confident it never could have had a mo- 
mentary place in my mind, consequently never 
could have dishonoured my lips. The supposi- 
tion is absurd, that I could have used the expres- 
sions, when I cannot recognise the remotest trace 
of an idea, at any period, that could possibly have 
led to them. 

In this consciousness I again appeal to you ; and 
demand, by all the ties of truth, justice, and 
honour, that you immediately give up your author. 
I stake my life and reputation upon the issue ; and 
defy all the craft of malevolence, or of cabal, to 
support the charge. If you decline a discov^ery, 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 357 

I shall then not have it in my choice to make any 
other than one conclusion. 

You have blended several matters, foreign to 
the purpose, which might as well have been 
omitted. I shall only answer in general, that I 
religiously believe the officers of the army are 
among the best citizens in America, and invio- 
lably attached to the liberties of the community ; 
infinitely more so than any of those splenetic pat- 
riots out of it, who endeavour, for sinister pur- 
poses, to instil jealousies and alarms, which they 
themselves know to be as groundless as they are 
impolitic and ridiculous. But if any individuals 
have been imprudent, or unprincipled, let them 
answer for themselves. I am responsible only 
for my own conduct. Your fears for the injury 
which the indiscretions of such persons might do 
to the General, were kind, but I hope unnecessary. 
The decided confidence of Congress, and the 
hearts of the people of America, are the witnesses 
to his integrity. The blame of the unmeaning 
petulance of a few impatient spirits will never 
rest upon him ; for whoever knows his character, 
will be satisfied, that an officer would be ashamed 
to utter, in his hearing, any sentiments that would 
disgrace a citizen. 

I am, Sir, your most obedient servant, 

Alex. Hamilton. 

The Reverend Doctor ****** ^ 



358 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

HAMILTON TO BROOKS. 

Head Quarters, September 10, 1779. 

Dear Sir : 

I send you, merely by way of information, the 
copy of a letter of the 25th of August, which I yes- 
terday received from Mr. Dana. I have only to 
request, that you will be good enough to inform 
me of the names of all the gentlemen that com- 
posed the company, before which I had the honour 
of being exhibited on the occasion in question. 
I am, dear Sir, 

Your friend and serv't., 

Alex. Hamilton. 

Col. Brooks. 



HENLEY TO HAMILTON. 

Boston, September 22, 1779. 

Dear Sir : 
Yesterday I delivered your letter to Doctor 
******, and hope you will receive such sa- 
tisfaction as is due to you, either in wounding him 
in his honour, or by treating the man with con- 
tempt that has endeavoured to injure your repu- 
tation. You have, enclosed, a httle anecdote of 
the Doctor's conduct, in an affair that happened 
not long since, handed me by a gentleman. The 
bearer of this is Mr. Ilitchborn, a gentleman of 



MILITARY CORRESrODENCE. 359 

character and notice in the town. Any civihties 
sliown him, Avill much oblige, Sir, 

Your humble serv't., 

David Henley. 
Col. Hamilton. 



DOCTOR ****** TO HAMILTON. 

Jamaica Plain, September 23, 1779. 

Sir : 
Though, from the expressions and inuendoes in 
yours of the 5tli instant, Avliich I received from 
Colonel Henley the last Tuesday, I cannot appre- 
hend myself treated vrith due respect; yet I shall 
not be thereby drove either to reply with asperity, 
or to quit my own plan of conduct. Said one of 
the greatest soldiei*s of the age in which he lived, 
" The business of a general is not to fight, but to 
overcome.'' When I had answered your first let- 
ter, I inquired for an opportunity of conveying the 
account of what had passed, to my intbrmer — his 
residence being fiir distant, and destitute of a 
stated intercourse with Boston. The last week, 
to my great satisfiction, an unexpected opportu- 
nity oftered. I sat down immediately, transcribed 
your letter and my answer, and forwarded them 
by a person whom I prevailed with to tarry till I 
could do it ; as he was going to the very town. 
Suppose I shall receive an answer by the first 
trusty conveyance. My informer may probably 



360 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

make no objection to my giving you his name, as 
he pretends to be a man of spirit, and was, or is 
still, in the military line, I think in the pay of the 
Continent. Should he deny his having informed 
me, I will then give it you of my own accord. At 
present, I have as much reason to believe his in- 
formation as Colonel Hamilton's assertion. Shall 
keep my mind in proper poise, and leave it to pre- 
ponderate as evidence offers. Should you be im- 
patient, I am ready to send all that has passed be- 
tween you and me, to be laid before Congress, and 
so leave it with them to determine upon the point; 
which, if I do, I shall, at the same time, give di- 
rections for my correspondent to mention the name 
of my informer, should Congress think it a matter 
of sufficient consequence for them to take up — but 
not otherwise. 

Sir, your most ob't. serv't., 

William ****** ^ 
Col. Hamilton. 



DOCTOR ****** TO HAMILTON. 

Jamaica Plain, November 15, 1779. 

Sir: 
In my last, of September 23, I mentioned my 
having sent to my informer. I have received an 
answer from him, wherein he writes, " As to the 
subject of your letter (for which I have now an 
opportunity to return my thanks), what was said, 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 361 

was very confidential, and influenced by nothing 
but an anxious regard and attachment to our pub- 
lic cause. To aflect the character of any one from 
a malignant principle, is unbecoming the title of a 
gentleman : nor do I know when I have been in- 
duced to make any unfavourable representation 
from personal prejudice. Your sense and delicacy 
will point out the propriety of prudence in an affair 
of this nature." 

Should you be inclined to pursue the matter 
further, I will be at the trouble of transcribing all 
that hath passed between us, and of sending it to 
Congress, with direction to my correspondent, to 
mention the name of my informer (who is known 
to several of the delegates), should Congress con- 
clude upon examining into the affair. 
I am, Sir, 

Your most ob't. serv't., 

William ***** *^ 

Col. Hamilton. 



HAMILTON TO DOCTOR ******. 

December 10, 1779. 

Sir : 

As your letter of the 23d of September offered 
nothing conclusive, I delayed acknowledging it 
till I should receive the result of your pretended 
application to your informer. This is contained 
in your last of the 15th of November, which ar- 

voL. I. 46 



362 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

rived while I was absent from head quarters. 
The unravelment of the plot in the ridiculous 
farce you have been acting, proves, as I at first 
suspected, that you are yourself the author of the 
calumny. Such I consider you, and such I shall 
represent you. The representation, I am sure, will 
find credit with all who know me ; and the noto- 
rious bias of your disposition to duplicity and slan- 
der, will give it sanction with all who are ac- 
quainted with you. I shall use the less ceremony, 
as 1 am well informed you have established a cha- 
racter, which, in the opinion of every man of 
sense, has forfeited all title to the delicacy of 
treatment usually attached to your function. I 
only lament, that respect to myself obliges me to 
confine the expression of my contempt to words. 

The feint you make, of involving Congress in a 
business little worthy of their attention, I regard 
as a mere trick to elude my demands for a disco- 
very which you are unable to make. And as I 
have no hope of bringing the affair to a more satis- 
factory issue, I now put an end to the correspond- 
ence on my part. I shall only add a repetition of 
what I before said, that I have no objection to any 
part of my conduct being canvassed before any 
tribunal whatever. 

I am, &c., 

Alex. Hamilton. 

Doctor ******. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 363 

HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON. 

Morris Town, May 2, 1780. 

Dear Sir : 

I am extremely sorry your Excellency has been 
troubled with the affair to which the papers trans- 
mitted in your letter of this morning relate. Ad- 
mitting the possibility of Doctor ****** 's 
not being the author of what I must always call a 
calumny ; and had he not been an irreconcileable 
enemy ^:^ to plain dealing ; the matter might have 
been brought to a very easy issue, without the ne- 
cessity of an appeal to you. 

My determination, however, on the contents of 
his letter, will be a very summary one. I shall 
not follow him in his laboured digressions, because 
the scope of some of them is to me unintelligible, 
and the rest do not merit an answer. 

So far from being disposed to comply with the 
Doctor's conditions to avoid an inquiry, I consider 
the proposal he makes, as a finishing stroke to that 
display of absurdity, littleness, and effrontery, which 
characterizes the whole proceeding on his part : 
and I defy the utmost extent of his malignity and 
intrigue. I shall ever continue to hold him in the 
highest contempt ; to believe him to be the con- 
triver of the charge against me, till he gives up some 



364 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

Other person as the author ; and to represent him 
as such to all those with whom I have occasion to 
converse on the subject. I shall always speak of 
him in those terms which a sense of injury, and a 
conviction of his worthlessness, dictate. 

I hope your Excellency will excuse the asperity 
of my expressions, which my respect for you would 
induce me to suppress, did I not owe it to my sen- 
sibility, wounded by the most barbarous attack up- 
on my reputation and principles, to speak without 
reserve. 

I flatter myself, you. Sir, are too well ac- 
quainted with my way of thinking, to entertain the 
least doubt of my innocence ; and I beg leave to as- 
sure you, nothing will give me greater pleasure than 
to have the matter properly investigated. I am only 
apprehensive, that the Doctor will so manage it, 
as that it will be found inexpedient to bring it to 
a public discussion ; and that the knowledge of cir- 
cumstances will be confined to a few, to be handed 
about, as may best suit his purposes, to the prejudice 
of my character. Your Excellency, too, I trust, 
will see the propriety of that delicacy, by which 
I am withheld from making any formal appeal to 
public authority, in my own justification. It is the 
business of my accuser to bring me to justice; and 
by anticipating him, I should not fail to incur the 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 365 

imputation of self-importance. I return your Ex~ 
cellency the papers from Doctor ******. 
I Iiave the honour to he, 
Your Excellency's 

Most obedient and 
Humble servant, 

Alex, Hamilton.* 
His Excellency Gen. Washington. 



HAMILTON TO BARON STEUBEN. 

Head Quarters, September 7, 1779. 

My Dear Baron : 

The General, on reflection, is a little uneasy 
about the route you intend to take. He thinks it 
not quite safe, as the enemy leave troops on Long 
Island, and may easily throw a party across the 
Sound, so that you would be in danger of having 
your agreeable dreams interrupted, if you should 
sleep anywhere from New Haven to Fairfield. It 
is probable, one of the Count's motives, in coming 
this way, may be to see the ruins of those places. 
And if he could do it without risk, it would be de- 

* The reader will perceive, that the foregoing letters are not 
arranged with those that follow, in exact chronological order : 
the departure from it, however, is but slight. Our desire to 
place the whole of the above interesting correspondence before 
the reader's view at one glance, rendered this arrangement expe- 
dient. — [Editor.] 



366 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

sirable ; but lie would not probably be altogether 
at his ease, if, in consequence of it, he should be 
obliged to attend the levee of Sir Henry Clinton. 
This may happen, if he continues his intention, 
unless very good precautions are taken to avoid 
the danger. The General recommends it to you, 
at least to be very vigilant upon your post, and not 
to suffer yourself to be surprised. You will be so 
good as to let us have timely notice of your ap- 
proach, as we shall, at least, meet you at Fishkill 
Landing, with boats to take you down to Head 
Quarters. I hope your escort will arrive in 
time. 

I have the honour to be. 

Your affectionate and 

Respectful servant, 

A. Hamilton. 
Baron Steuben. 



EXTRACT OF A LETTER FROM WASHINGTON TO 
COUNT D'ESTAING. 

" I have therefore appointed Brigadier-General Du Portail, and 
Colonel Hamilton, to wait upon your Excellency as speedily 
as possible, and explain to you fully, my ideas of the pro- 
posed co-operation ; the means we shall be able to employ ; the 
obstacles we shall have to encounter on our side ; the plans which 
it may be proper to pursue ; and the measures which are 
taking, and maybe taken, by the enemy to counteract them." — 
Life of Hamilton, by his Son, vol l,p. 226-7. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 367 

WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON AND DU PORT AIL. 

Head Quarters, West Point, Oct. 18, 1779. 

Gentlemen : 

I have been favoured with Colonel Hamilton's 
letter, mentioning your arrival early on the 11th, 
at Philadelphia, and your being about to set off for 
Lewistown the morning on which it was written. 
I have attentively considered the object to 
which you more particularly refer, and am now 
to authorize you (provided the Count will not de- 
termine on a co-operation to the full extent of my 
instructions), to engage the whole force described 
in my letters to him, comprehending the Continen- 
tal troops and militia, in such an enterprise against 
the enemy's shipping, as the Count and you may 
agree to undertake. In a word, I will aid him in 
every plan of operations against the enemy at 
New York, or Rhode Island, in the most effectual 
manner that our strength and resources will ad- 
mit. He has nothing more to do, therefore, than 
to propose his own plan, if time will not admit 
him to accede to ours; weighing thoroughly, conse- 
quences of expense and disappointment. 

Enclosed is some intelligence received from 
Elizabethtown since your departure. You will 
observe the preparations of the enemy for throwing' 
every possible obstruction in the Count's passage. 

A chain of alarm ships are stationed in the Sound, 



368 3IILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

to cortynunicate the first approach of the Count's 
fleet to the Garrison at Rhode Island. This they 
can propagate in a few minutes by signal guns. 
In a letter from General Gates of the 13th instant, 
he advises me of the arrival of the fleet, which 
some time ago sailed from New York. It amounts 
to fifty six sail, and appeared to be only in a set 
of ballast. This was confirmed by one of the 
vessels which fell into our hands for a few hours. 
The opinion is, that it is designed to take off the 
Garrison. 

General Gates makes the Marine force at New- 
port, one fifty, and a thirty two gun frigate. The 
Refugee and Wood fleet, about thirty seven sail, 
mostly armed, at the head of which is the Resto- 
ration, late the Oliver Cromwell, of twenty two 
guns. One frigate is also taken notice of in the 
fleet from New York. 

Should the operations against New York, in 
either case, be undertaken, it will be of the ut- 
most consequence to block up the Garrison at 
Rhode Island. You will consider the propriety 
of suggesting to the Count, the detaching of a 
superior sea force for this purpose, previous to his 
approaching the Hook. For, should the measure 
be deferred till his arrival there, it may not then 
be possible to prevent their junction with the 
army at New York, as the notice can be so very 
suddenly transmitted by means of the signals 
which they have established. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 369 

Every proper attention has been given to pre- 
paring the necessary number of fascines, and such 
other materials as may be requisite in this quarter. 
Fascines, gabions, etc., are also held in readiness 
at Providence in case of an operation against 
Newport. I had thought of the fire ships, and 
have taken order in the matter. I do not, how- 
ever, choose to go to the great expense they must 
run us into, till something is decided with His 
Excellency Count D'Estaing ; but everything rela- 
tive shall be provided, so as to occasion no delay 
when such matters become necessary. 
I am. Gentlemen, 

Your most obedient servant, 

G. Washington. 
Brigadier-General Du Portail. 
Lieutenant-Colonel Hamilton. 



- WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON AND DU PORTAIL. 

West Point, October 21, 1779. 

Gentlemen : 

In my letters of the tenth and eighteenth, I 
transmitted all the intelligence I had obtained 
respecting the enemy, from the time of your de- 
parture to those two periods : and by the present 
conveyance, I enclose you an extract of a letter 
from Major-General Gates, of the 15th. By this you 
will perceive, he was fully persuaded that the enemy 

VOL. I. 47 



370 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

are now preparing to evacuate Rhode Island ; and 
he expected, from his ad v ices, they would do it on 
Monday or Tuesday last. 

Whether the event has taken place, or not, as 
yet, is a matter I cannot determine, having re- 
ceived no information since upon the subject. 
But admitting it has not, there is no room to doubt 
that they have all things in a condition to do it, 
on the shortest notice, whenever they shall think 
the exigency of their affairs requires it. It is also 
equally certain, that they continue to carry on their 
fortifications for the defence of New York with 
the utmost industry and perseverance ; and appear 
to be providing for the most obstinate resistance. 
Indeed, as their reduction would be attended with 
the most alarming and fatal consequences to their 
nation, nothing else can be reasonably expected. 
The moment I hear the troops have left Rhode 
Island, I will advise you. 

The Garrisons at Verplanck's and Stony Points, 
still remain ; but from the concurring accounts of de- 
serters, the heavy baggage and stores, except about 
eighteen or twenty rounds for each cannon, are em- 
barked, and all matters are putting in train for an 
evacuation, in case events make it necessary. The 
deserters add, as a circumstance of confirmation, 
that Sir Henry Clinton was up at the posts about 
eight days ago; and that, from that time, they have 
totally declined carrying on any works. 

Having given you the substance of the intelli- 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 371 

gence received since my last, I am led (from the 
vast magnitude of the object which carried you 
from Head Quarters, and the very interesting con- 
sequences it may involve, ail of which I am per- 
suaded will occur to your consideration) to remark, 
that the Count's entering New York Bay with 
his fleet, must be the basis and groundwork of any 
co-operation that can be undertaken by us, either 
for the reduction of the enemy's whole force, or 
the destruction of their shipping only. Every- 
thing will absolutely depend upon it, in either 
case ; as, without it, and a free and open communi- 
cation up and down the rivers, and in the Sound, 
which cannot be effected and maintained in any 
other way, we could not possibly undertake any 
operations on Long Island, as our supplies of pro- 
visions and stores could only be obtained by water. 
This point, I am certain, would have your due 
consideration ; but it appearing to me the hinge, 
the one thing upon which all others must rest, I 
could not forbear mentioning it. The circum- 
stance of the season now, the expenditure of wood, 
and the necessity of supplying it, etc., will of 
course be fully attended to, according to their 
importance : and I have only to add, from a desire 
of preventing a misconception by either side, if 
any co-operation is agreed on, that the terms and 
conditions may be explicitly understood. And 
whether it shall extend to an attempt to re- 



372 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

duce the enemy's whole force, or only to the 
destruction of their shipping • your engagements 
will provide for the continuance of the Count's 
fleet, to secure our retreat, and the removal of our 
stores from Long and York Islands, if, unhappily, it 
should be found, on experiment, that neither is 
practicable, and we should be obliged to abandon 
the enterprise. 

I am. Gentlemen, 

With great regard and respect. 
Your most obedient servant, 

G. Washington. 

P. S. 1-4 after three, P. M. Three deserters 
have just come in, who left Verplanck's Point last 
night. They all corroborate the accounts, by a de- 
tail of circumstances, of the preparations to evacu- 
ate both that and Stony Point. I have no doubt 
that things will at least be held in readiness. 

G. Washington. 

After despatching the above, I received a letter 
from Major-General Heath, of which the following 
is a copy. 

" I now have the pleasure to acquaint your Ex- 
cellency, that the enemy have left both Points, 
having burnt and destroyed their works." 

Mandevilld's, Oct. 21, 1779. 

4 o'clock, P. M. 
General DuPortail, and Colonel Hamilton. 



MILITARY CORRESrONDENCE. 873 

WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON AND DU PORTAIL. 

Head Quarters, West Point, October 25, 1779. 

Gentlemen : 

I have just now received a letter from Colonel 
Hamilton, mentioning your having changed your 
position, at Lewistown, for that of Little Egg Har- 
bour; and that you would write me more fully on 
your arrival at the Furnace. 

In my last I informed you that the enemy had 
evacuated both their posts at King's Ferry ; since 
which, no alteration has taken place that has come 
to my knowledge. Things at Rhode Island re- 
main in the same situation ; at least I have re- 
ceived no accounts, either confirming or contra- 
dicting my former intelligence. 

I am. Gentlemen, your most ob't.. 
Humble servant, 

G. Washington. 
Gen. Du Portail. 
Colonel Hamilton. 



DU PORTAIL AND HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON. 

Great Egg Harbour Landing, October 26, 1779. 

Sir: 

We are honoured with two letters from your 
Excellency, of the 10th and 21st. ; to the contents 
of which we beg leave to assure you of our strict- 
est attention. 



374 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE, 

That of the 18th is not yet come to hand. It is 
not improbable, it has gone round by Lewistown, 
which has occasioned the delay. 

Colonel Hamilton wrote to your Excellency 
from Philadelphia, acquainting you with our arrival 
there, and our intention to proceed to Lewistown, 
Cape Henlopen, and from Great Egg Harbour, 
communicating our progress since, and our deter- 
mination to establish ourselves at Bat Stove Fur- 
nace. We have since fixed on this place, about 
forty four miles from the extremity of Cape May 
(eighteen miles short of the Furnace, which we 
found to be more remote than had been represent- 
ed), and, as far as we have been able to learn, 
from 100 to 110 miles of Sandy Hook, and about 
50 from Philadelphia. Your Excellency will 
easily perceive the reason of our choosing this 
station. It did not appear to us, from our inquiries 
in Philadelphia, to be a point well ascertained, that 
the fleet would stop at the Delaware ; and the 
time which had elapsed, made it more possible, if 
the Count should be determined to prosecute any 
further operations on the continent, that he would 
not lose time by a procedure of this sort, but might 
content himself with sending some transports, un- 
der escort of a few frigates, to receive the provi- 
sions for the fleet, and proceed himself directly on 
to the Hook. On this supposition, our position at 
Lewistown was entirely ineligible. The distance 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 375 

at which we were from the city, as well as from 
the Hook ; the delays that would consequently at- 
tend our intelligence from every quarter ; the dif- 
ficulty and impossibility, sometimes, of traversing 
the Bay ; made our first situation inconvenient in 
every respect, in the event of the fleet's proceed- 
ing immediately to the Hook. These considera- 
tions induced us to cross the Delaware, and take 
the position at which we now are ; where, or in the 
vicinity, we propose to remain till the arrival of the 
Count ; till intelligence from him decides the in- 
utility of a longer stay ; or till we receive your Ex- 
cellency's orders of recall. 

We have now a better relation to the difi'erent 
points in which we are interested, and have taken 
the necessary precautions to gain the earliest no- 
tice of whatever happens. We have stationed 
expresses at the pitch of the Cape, and have esta- 
blished a regular communication with Major Lee, 
and with the city. If the fleet should appear off 
the Delaware, we can be there in twelve hours 
after its first appearance ; and if at the Hook, in 
less than four days; provided Major Lee is punctual 
in conveying the intelligence, and the expresses, 
from either side, in bringing it. 

By recent information from Philadelphia (though 
not quite so distinct and accurate as we could 
wish), we find, that so late as the fourth of this 
month, the Count, as yet, was to open his batteries 
against the enemy at Savannah. The time that 



376 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

will probably intervene between this and the final 
reduction; the re-embarkation of the Count's 
troops ; the dispositions for sailing, and his arrival 
on this coast ; may, w^e fear, exhaust the season too 
much to permit of the co-operation to which our 
mission relates. 

We do not, however, despair; for if the Count 
has been fully successful to the southward, and 
should shortly arrive (which may be the case), the 
enterprise may possibly go on. 

In a letter from Major Lee, of the 22d., he in- 
forms us, that a vessel from Georgia arrived on the 
16th; since which, the two sixty-fours, and the 
Renown, which were at the Hook, had fallen 
down towards New York ; and the troops at the 
Hook had embarked and gone to the city. At 
first sight, this account alarmed us, and made us 
apprehensive that the enemy had received some 
favourable advices from the southward, which put 
them out of danger, and superseded the necessity 
of continuing their preparations for defence. But, 
on further reflection, we think it more probable, 
that this is only a change of disposition ; and that 
finding, on closer examination, they would be una- 
ble to defend the Hook, they had determined to 
relinquish the attempt. 

This seems the more likely, as Major Lee men- 
tions, that a part of the hulks, sunk in the channel, 
had gotten afloat and drifted ashore. 

To this experience of the difliculty of obstruct- 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 377 

ing the channel, may, perhaps, be attributed the 
change we suppose. And we are confirmed in 
this conjecture, by the evacuation of the two 
posts at King's Ferry, which appears, by your Ex- 
cellency's letter, to have taken place on the 21st., 
five days after the supposed arrival of the vessel 
from Georgia ; a proof that they had not received 
information of any decisive good fortune on their 
side, or ill fortune on ours ; and that they persisted 
in their defensive plan. We are persuaded, too, 
that their exultation would have given wings to 
any good news they might have received, and that 
it would have reached us before this. Were the 
season less advanced, we should regret this change 
of disposition; because we believe the attempt to 
defend the entrance of the Hook, would have been 
fruitless ; and it might have thrown a part of their 
ships, and of their troops, into our hands, in the 
first instance, which could not fail to facilitate the 
successive operations. 

But, at this late period, it may rather be an ad- 
vantage. To force the passage, might have required 
land operations against the Hook, which would 
lose time and expose the fleet to the hazard of 
winds, wiiich would have rendered its situation 
critical. Now, the fleet may probably enter the 
Bay, on its first approach, and be in security : and 
the whole operation will be brought to a pointj 

VOL. I. 48 



378 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

and may demand less time for its accomplishment. 
As a large number of fascines, ready for use, 
appear to us essential to any operations that may 
be undertaken, we presume your Excellency has 
been preparing, and will continue to prepare, as 
many as possible. We beg leave to suggest the 
utility of having, at the same time, a sufficient 
number of gabions and sand bags. Of the former. 
Colonel Gouvion, if your Excellency thinks pro- 
per, may be charged with the constructing : the 
latter may be made under the care of the Quarter- 
Master at Philadelphia. Several thousands may be 
necessary. The usual dimensions are fifteen or 
eighteen inches long, and twelve wide. If, not- 
withstanding the advices from Major Lee, any 
thing by land is to be attempted against the Hook, 
these will be peculiarly useful on such a flat, sandy 
spot; and, indeed, it would be impracticable to 
construct batteries, in any reasonable time, with- 
out them. 

We have the honour to be. 

Sir, your most obedient, and 
Humble servants, 

A. Hamilton, 

Du PORTAIL. 

His Excellency Gen. Washington. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 379 

WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON AND DU PORT AIL. 

Head Quarters, West Point, November I, 1779. 

Gentlemen : 

I have this day been favoured with yours of 
twenty-sixth ultimo, informing me of your re- 
moval to Great Egg Harbour. My letter of the 
eighteenth, which had not reached you, went, as 
you supposed, by way of Philadelphia ; and, lest 
any accident may have happened to it, I enclose 
you a duplicate. Mine of the thirtieth ultimo, 
which went through Major Lee, informed you of 
the evacuation of Rhode Island. I have since re- 
ceived a letter of the twenty-first ult., from my 
confidential correspondent in New York. He in- 
forms me, that Rawdon's Corps, the 57th, and 
some of the Artillery, were then embarked : and 
it was said, and generally believed, that they 
were bound to Halifax. That the Robuste, of 
seventy four guns, had arrived the twentieth, from 
Halifax ; and that a number of transports were 
taking in water and ballast. He gave me noth- 
ing further worth communicatino:. 

You will find, by the letter of the 18th, that a 
provision of fascines and gabions was making ; 
and I shall give directions to the Quarter-Master- 
General, to provide a quantity of sand bags. 

I am sorry to inform you, that Colonel La 



d»U MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

Rodiere died on Saturday last. He is to be buried 
this day with the honours due to his rank. 
I am, with great esteem, Gentlemen, 

Your most obedient servant, 

G. Washington. 
P. S. Upon a presumption that Colonel Laurens 
will be on board the fleet, the enclosed are sent 
to you. 

Brigadier General Du Portail. 
Colonel Hamilton. 



WASHINGTON TO DU PORTAIL AND HAMILTON. 

Head Quarters, West Point, November 2, 1779. 

Gentlemen : 

Since mine of yesterday, I have received ano- 
ther letter from my confidential correspondent in 
New York, dated the twenty-ninth ultimo. He 
informs me, that the fifty-seventh regiment. Raw- 
don's Corps, and the Artillery mentioned in his last, 
were to sail on that day for Halifax ; and with 
them, all the heavy ships of war, except the Euro- 
pa. The Daplme frigate, with Sir George Collier 
and Colonel Stewart on board, was to sail for 
England the same day. He says the pilots re- 
ported, that it was now difficult to bring a vessel 
into the Hook, on account of the hulks sunk there. 
(By this it would seem that some of them still re- 
mained upon the shoals.) He says the transports 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 381 

mentioned in his last, as taking in water and bal- 
last, only carried it down to the ships at the Hook. 
The Rainbow, of forty guns, had arrived from 
Halifax. He informs me of no other cir- 
cumstances that materially relate to affairs in 
New York. He says a packet arrived from Eng- 
land on the twenty-third October. The accounts 
brought by her, seemed to alarm the tories very 
much. It was reported, that the Ardent, of sixty 
four guns, had been taken, and the English fleet 
chased into Portsmouth by the combined fleet, 
which remained off" that place several days. He 
mentions these matters as current reports, and 
adds, that a fleet of victuallers were to sail from 
Cork the latter end of September, and another of 
store ships and merchantmen, from Spithead, about 
the same time. 

I am, with great regard. Gentlemen, 
Your most obedient servant, 

G. Washington. 
The capture of the Ardent, is confirmed by a 

New York paper of the twentieth ultimo. 

General Du Portail and Colonel Hamilton. 



LAURENS TO HAMILTON. 

Philadelphia, December 12, 1779. 

My Dear Hamilton : 
Upon my arrival here yesterday evening, I com- 



382 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

municated the intelligence received from Gene- 
ral Wayne, to the President of Congress and the 
French minister. The latter surprised me greatly, 
by informing me, that only one 74 gun ship of the 
Count De Grasse's division, and the Fier Rodrigue, 
had arrived at Chesapeake. I am at a loss how 
to account for the absence of the rest. They 
have not been within the reach of a superior ene- 
my's force : no storm has happened, within our 
knowledge, to drive them to any considerable dis- 
tance from the coast. It cannot rationally be sup- 
posed that the Count has received countermanding 
orders, and that a capital ship of the line, together 
with a very valuable warlike merchantman, is to 
be sacrificed. Be the case as it may, all hopes of 
passing our reinforcement for the southern de- 
partment, by sea, are out of the question. The 
North Carolina Brigade, after profiting by the navi- 
gation of the Delaware as far as it would serve 
them, marched to the Head of Elk. Thence they 
proceed, by water, across the Chesapeake, and up 
to Petersburgh, where they are to be overtaken 
by their waggons, and pursue the rest of their way 
by the middle road to Charlestown. This is the 
route marked by the Board of War, and a Commit- 
tee of Congress appointed to confer with them ; 
and I believe it was recommended by Doctor 
Burke, one of the North Carolina delegates late- 
ly from that country. It is intended that the Vir- 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 383 

ginians should pursue the same as far as Peters- 
burgh, where they are to take an upper road. In 
this route we do not avail ourselves of Albermarle 
Sound. The going up the river to Petersburg!! 
will certainly be tedious ; and four hundred miles 
land march is to be executed from thence. I 
communicated these objections to Mr. Matthewes, 
and proposed the route which the General pointed 
out ; but the poverty of the country in provision, 
and the means of transporting the baggage of the 
troops, he said, would outweigh the advantages of 
the water carriage and direct road. I am by no 
means satisfied with the present arrangement, 
when I reflect how much more rapidly the British 
may convey their reinforcements: but all the in- 
quiries I have made hitherto, have produced noth- 
ing favourable to our plan. Indeed, in the present 
unguarded state of the Chesapeake, the British 
might render the passage even of that ineligible. 
Mr. Serle, a member of Congress, who arrived 
in town last night from the neighbourhood of Major 
Leigh's post, asserts, that no transports were at 
the Hook on Wednesday. Whether the British 
operations are delayed by false rumours of Count 
De Grasse's division ; or whether they have heard, 
as we have here, that Count D'Estaing w^as still 
on the coast the twentieth of November, I cannot 
decide: but one would be inclined to think, that 
they are disconcerted, either by false intelligence. 



384 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

or a total defect of it. I entreat you, my dear 
friend, to transmit me the earliest and most accu- 
rate relation that can be obtained, of the British 
movements ; and enlighten me with your observa- 
tions upon them. Present my respects and love 
to our excellent General and the family. May 
you enjoy all the pleasure, moral and physical, 
which you promise yourself in winter quarters, 
and be as happy as you deserve. 

Tell the Doctor I shall commit his darling to 
the press this morning. Yours ever, 

John Laurens. 
Colonel Hamilton* 



LAURENS TO HAMILTON. 

Philadelphia, December 18, 1779. 

My Dear Hamilton: 

On my arrival in town, I was informed by the 
President, that Congress had suspended the busi- 
ness of appointing a secretary to their minister 
plenipotentiary at Versailles, until my return, in 
hopes that I might still be prevailed upon to ac- 
cept the office. I replied, that I thought my letter 
upon the subject sufficiently explicit ; and assured 
him of my sincere desire to be excused from 
serving in that capacity at the present juncture 
of our affairs. 

He urged the unanimity of the choice with re- 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 385 

spect to me ; the difficulty of uniting the suffrages 
of all parties, in case of a new nomination ; and the 
advantages of this union. Several delegates of 
Congress declared to me the embarrassment of 
Congress since I had declined. One, in particu- 
lar, suggested to me his apprehension of interest 
being made for a late delegate of New York, who 
is candidate for the office, and to whom the 
world, in general, allows greater credit for his abil- 
ities than his integrity ; and said, " he was deter- 
mined to oppose him with all his influence." 
When I quitted town the sixteenth, these mat- 
ters crowded into my mind. I fell into a train of 
serious reflections and self-examination ; endea- 
voured to investigate whether I had acted conso- 
nantly to the '^'^^o" -fat ayadov, aud fulfillcd the duties of 
a good citizen in this transaction. In line, I agi- 
tated the grand question. Whether a citizen has a 
right to decline any office to which his country- 
men appoint him ; upon what that right is found- 
ed ; and whether it existed in my case. 

After undergoing the severest conflict that ever 
I experienced ; sometimes reproaching, sometimes 
Justifying myself; pursuing my journey, or turning 
retrograde ; as the arguments on the one side or 
the other appeared to prevail ; I determined that I 
had been deficient in the duties of a good citizen. 
I returned to Philadelphia; communicated my sen- 
timents to the President and two other members ; 

VOL. I. 49 



386 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

and declared to them, that I thought it incumbent 
on me, in the first place, to recommend a person 
equally qualified in point of integrity, and much 
better in point of ability. That if, unhappily, 
they could not agree upon Colonel Hamilton, and 
that I was absolutely necessary to exclude a dan- 
gerous person, or to prevent pernicious delays, I 
should think it my duty to obey the orders of Con- 
gress. The persons now in nomination, are, Colo- 
nel Hamilton, Mr. Lovell, Mr, G. Morris, Major 
Stewart. I am sorry that you are not better 
known to Congress. Great stress is laid upon the 
probity and patriotism of the person to be employ- 
ed in this commission. I have given my testi- 
mony of you in this, and the other equally essen- 
tial points. 

I am sorry to inform you, that the North Caroli- 
na brigade had not quitted Elk the sixteenth; 
having been detained by the ice. 

I am sorry to write you, just as I am on the 
wing. Be so good as to thank Tilghman for his 
letter. Inform him, from Mr. Mitchell, that his 
habiliments are making. 

My love as usual. Adieu. 

John Laurens. 
Colonel Hamilton. 



388 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

[1780.] 

HAMILTON TO ROBERT MORRIS. 

[suggestions on the currency, and a bank of the 

UNITED states.] 

Sir: 

The present conjuncture is by all allowed to 
be peculiarly critical. Every man of reflection, 
employs his thoughts about the remedies proper to 
be applied to the national disorders; and every 
one, from a partiality to his own ideas, wishes to 
convey them to those who are charged with the 
management of affairs. The channel of the pub- 
lic papers, commonly made use of for the purpose, 
appears to me exceptionable on several accounts. 
It not only restrains a freedom of discussion, from 
the extreme delicacy of the subject ; but the dis- 
cussion itself increases the evil, by exposing our 
weak sides to the popular eye, and adding false 
terrors to those well-founded apprehensions which 
our situation authorizes. 

Instead of pursuing this method, I prefer ad- 
dressing myself to a member of that body, in 
whose power alone it is, by well-digested system, 
to extricate us from our embarrassments. I hav^e 
pitched upon you, from a personal knowledge of 
your abilities and zeal. If I offer any thing new 
and useful, I am persuaded you will endeavour to 
turn it to advantage. If the contrary is the case, I 
am, at least, doing no harm. I shall only have had 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. tJ89 

the trouble of writing, and you of reading, a few 
useless pages. 

The object of principal concern, is the state of 
our currency. In my opinion, all our speculations 
on this head have been founded in errour. Most 
people think, that the depreciation might have 
been avoided, by provident arrangements in the 
beginning, without any aid from abroad: and a 
great many of our sanguine politicians, till very 
lately, imagined the money might still be restored 
by expedients within ourselves. Hence the de- 
lay in attempting to procure a foreign loan. 

This idea proceeded from an ignorance of the 
real extent of our resources. The war, particu- 
larly in the first periods, required exertions beyond 
our strength, to which neither our population nor 
riches were equal. We have the fullest proof of 
this, in the constant thinness of our armies ; the 
impossibility, at this time, of recruiting them 
otherwise than by compulsion; the scarcity of 
hands in husbandry, and other occupations; the 
decrease of our staple commodities; and the diffi- 
culty of every species of supply. I am aware 
that the badness of the money has its influence ; 
but it was originally an effect, not a cause, though 
it now partakes of the nature of both. A part of 
those evils w^ould appear, were our finances in a 
more flourishing condition. We experienced 
them before the money was materially depre- 



390 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

ciated ; and they contributed to its depreciation. 
The want of men soon obhged the public to pay 
extravagant wages for them in every department. 
Agriculture languished from a defect of hands^ 
The mechanic arts did the same. The price of 
every kind of labour increased : and the articles 
of foreign commerce, from the interruption it re- 
ceived, more than kept pace with other things. 

The relative value of money being determined 
by the greater or less portion of labour and com- 
modities which it Avill purchase ; whatever these 
gained in price, that, of course, lost in value. 

The public expenditures, from the dearness of 
every thing, necessarily became immense ; greater 
in proportion than in other countries ; and much 
beyond any revenues which the best concerted 
scheme of finance could have extracted from the 
natural funds of the State. No taxes, Avhich the 
people were capable of bearing, on that quantity 
of money which is deemed a proper medium for 
this country (had it been gold instead of paper), 
w^ould have been sufficient for the current exigen- 
cies of Government. 

The most opulent States of Europe, in a war of 
any duration, are commonly obliged to have re- 
course to foreign loans or subsidies.* How, then, 

* France owes a debt of near two hundred millions of pounds sterling ; of 
Which about twenty eight millions is due to Governments and individuals in 
the United Provinces. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 391 

could we expect to do without them, and not aug- 
ment the quantity of our artificial wealth beyond 
those bounds which were proper to preserve its 
credit ? The idea was chimerical. 

The quantity of money formerly in circulation 
among us, is estimated at about thirty millions of 
dollars. This was barely sufficient for our interior 
commerce. Our exterior commerce was chiefly 
carried on by barter. We sent our commodities 
abroad, and brought back others in return. The 
balance of the principal branch was against us; 
and the little specie derived from others, was trans- 
ferred directly to the payment of that balance, 
without passing into home circulation. It would 
have been impracticable, by loans and taxes, to 
bring such a portion of the forementioned sum into 
the public coffers as would have answered the 

England owes a debt not much short; of which about thirty millions is liiie- 
wise due in the United Provinces. 

The United Provinces, themselves, owe a debt of the generality, of fifty 
millions sterling, besides the particular debts of each province. Russia, 
Prussia, Denmark, Sweden, all owe money to the United Provinces, notwith- 
standing the assistance of their mines. These Governments, too, are patterns 
of economy. Sweden receives a constant supply from France. The House 
of Austria is also to be included in the catalogue. Spain is almost the only 
considerable European power to be excepted ; but this is to be attributed to that 
inexhaustible fund of treasure which she possesses in the mines of South 
America. 

The King of Prussia is one of those potentates the least in debt ; notwith- 
standing he has a long time made a figure in Europe, much above wha the 
comparative strength and resources of his kingdom entitled him to expect. 
This his superior genius has efTected. By a wise administration, he main- 
tains an army of one hundred and fifty thousand men, nearly equal to that of 
France, with one third of its people, and less than a third of its riches. This 
he does by judicious arrangements; by a rigid economy ; and by a species of 
commerce, which is carried on, on account of the State. There are several 
public manufactories, from which the army is supplied ; and by the help of 
which, the money paid out with one hand is taken in by the other. 



6\)2 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

purposes of the war: nor could it have spared so 
considerable a part, without obstructing the ope- 
rations of domestic commerce. Taxes are limited, 
not only by the quantity of wealth in a State, but 
by the temper, habits, and genius of the people ; 
all which, in this country, conspired to render 
them moderate : and as to loans, men will not be 
prevailed upon to lend money to the public when 
there is a scarcity, and they can find a more pro- 
fitable way of employing it otherwise, as was our 
case. 

The ordinary revenues of the United Provinces, 
amount to about twenty five millions of guil- 
ders ; or two millions two hundred and fifty thou- 
sand pounds sterling per annum. This is, in pro- 
portion to its territory and numbers, the richest 
country in the world ; and the country where the 
people sustain the heaviest load of taxes. Its 
population is about equal to ours, two millions of 
souls. The burthens on the subject are so great, 
that it is by some held almost impracticable, even 
on extraordinary emergencies, to enlarge the reve- 
nues by new impositions. It is maintained, their 
dependence, in thCvSe cases, must be on the extra- 
ordinary contributions of Vvealthy individuals; 
with the aid of which, iu some of their wars, they 
have raised four milUons sterling a year. In a 
country possessed of so vast a stock of wealth, 
where taxes are carried to such a height ; and 
where the means of paying them, so infinitely ex- 



3IILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 393 

ceed those in our power ; if the national revenues 
only amount to the sum I have stated, how inade- 
quate must have been the product of any taxes we 
could have levied, to the demands of the service ! 
Loans, for the reason before hinted, would have 
been out of the question ; at least, they would 
have been so trifling as to be an object of little 
importance. Suppose we should have been able 
to raise a million sterling, annually ; a sum that 
probably would have exceeded our ability ; how 
unequal would this have been to our wants !* 
No economy could have made it bear any propor- 
tion, especially if w^e recur to the causes already 
enumerated, by which the currency depreciated 
in its first stages. 

From these reasonings it results, that it was not 
in the power of Congress, when their emissions 
had arrived at the thirty millions of dollars, to put 
a stop to them. t They were obhged, in order to 
keep up the supplies, to go on creating artificial 
revenues by new emissions ; and as these multi- 
plied, their value declined. The progress of the 
depreciation might have been retarded, but it 



* This will appear, by recurring to our expenses in the commencement of 
the war, before the money was depreciated. In '75, which was only three 
fourths of a year, the emissions amounted to seven millions of dollars: in '76, 
to fourteen millions. The war did not begin, in earnest, till '76. 

t This is meant, without employing the assistance of a foreign loan, and of 
other expedients beside borrowing and taxing. 

VOL. I. 50 



394 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE, 

could not have been prevented. It was, in a 
great degree, necessary. 

There was but one remedy; a foreign loan. 
All other expedients should rather have been con- 
sidered as auxihary. Could a loan have been ob- 
tained, and judiciously applied, assisted by a vi- 
gorous system of taxation, we might have avoided 
that excess of emissions which has ruined the pa- 
per. The credit of such a fund would have pro- 
cured loans from the monied and trading men 
within ourselves; because it might have been so 
directed, as to have been beneficial to them in 
their commercial transactions abroad.* 

The necessity for a foreign loan is now greater 
than ever. Nothing else will retrieve our affairs. 
The wheels of Government, without it, cannot 
much longer be kept in motion. Including Loan- 
office certificates, and State emissions, we have 
about four hundred millions of dollars in circula- 
tion. The real value of these, is less tlian seven 
millions, which is the true circulating medium of 
these States : for though the price of specie is 
and the rate of exchange for sterling bills 
the nominal value of every commodity is at least 
sixty to one, on an average. All the reasonings 
against the possibility of raising the current ex- 
penses on the foundation of thirty millions, apply 

* This will appear from the plan which will be proposed. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 395 

to our present situation in the ratio of thirty to 
seven; that is, it is as thirty to seven less practica- 
ble now than when our emissions amounted to only 
thirty millions. Could every dollar in circulation 
be brought annually into the treasury, which never 
was effected in any country, and is politically im- 
possible, the revenue would not be equal to the 
yearly expense. 

The hope of appreciating the money, by taxes 
and domestic loans, is at an end. As fast as it 
could be received, it must be issued in the daily 
expenditures. The momentary interval between 
its being drawn out of circulation and returning 
into it, would prevent its receiving the least ad- 
vantage. 

These reasonings may appear useless, as the ne- 
cessity of a foreign loan is now acknowledged, 
and measures are taking to procure it. But they 
are intended to establish good principles ; the want 
of which has brought us to the desperate crisis 
we are arrived at, and may still betray us into 
fatal mistakes. 

How this loan is to be employed, is now the 
question ; and its difficulty equal to its importance ! 
Two plans have been proposed: One, to purchase 
up at once, in specie, or sterling bills, all super- 
fluous paper ; and to endeavour, by taxes, loans, 
and economy, to hinder its returning into circula- 
tion. The remainder, it is supposed, would then 



396 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

recover its value. This, it is said, will reduce our 
public debt to the sterling cost of the paper. 

Suppose two hundred millions were to be pur- 
chased, and the rest called in by taxes. At 

this would require bills to the amount of 
of dollars. But I doubt whether four 
times this sum would be sufficient. The moment 
it was known such purchases were to be made, 
the avarice of speculators would begin to operate : 
the demand would immediately occasion an arti- 
ficial appreciation ; each successive million w ould 
cost more than the preceding. But this appre- 
ciation would he more relative to the purchasing 
medium than to the prices of commodities. The 
raising the value of the paper relative to the for- 
mer, would depend on the combination of a few 
artful individuals, and would be easily accomplish- 
ed. The diminution of prices must be slow, as 
it implies a change in the sentiments of the body 
of the people with respect to the money. A sud- 
den revolution in the general rates of all the neces- 
saries of life is not to be expected. The prices 
of these, as they have reached their present sum- 
mit by degrees ; must, by degrees, revert to their 
former station. The minds of the people will not 
readily admit impressions in favour of the curren- 
cy. All their past experience has given a habit 
of dilFidence ; and the epidemical spirit of extor- 
tion, will maintain a violent struggle with what- 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 397 

ever has a tendency to produce a fall of prices. 
A permanent reduction of the quantity of circu- 
lating cash, will alone gradually effect it. But 
this will not happen on the present plan. 

The necessity of continuing the supplies at 
nearly the same rates now given (which would 
be the case if my reasonings are true), would have 
nearly the same effect mentioned with respect to 
taxes and domestic loans. The money would re- 
turn into circulation almost as fast as it was drawn 
out : and at the end of the year we should find 
our treasury empty; our foreign loan dissipated ; 
and the state of our finances as deplorable as ever. 
At a moderate calculation, we should have spent ten 
or twelve millions of real dollars, for the sole pur- 
pose of carrying on the war another year. It would 
be much better, instead of purchasing up the paper 
currency, to purchase the supplies out of our 
specie or bills. In the first instance, the public 
would suffer a direct loss of the artificial apprecia- 
tion, relative to the purchasing medium : in the 
last, it would buy at the value of the commodities 
in specie or bills. 

A great source of errour in disquisitions of this 
nature, is the judging of events by abstract calcu- 
lations ; which, though geometrically true, are 
false as they relate to the concerns of beings 
governed more by passion and prejudice, than by 
an enlightened sense of their interests. A de2:ree 



398 MILITARY CORRESPOIVDEIVCE. 

of illusion mixes itself in all the affairs of societv. 
The opinion of objects has more influence than 
their real nature. The quantity of money in cir- 
culation is certainly a chief cause of its decline : 
but we find it is depreciated more than five times 
as much as it ought to be by this rule. The ex- 
cess is derived from opinion ; a want of confi- 
dence. In like manner we deceive ourselves, 
when we suppose the value will increase in pro- 
portion as the quantity is lessened. Opinion will 
operate here also ; and a thousand circumstances 
may promote or counteract the principle. 

The other plan proposed, is to convert the loan 
into merchandise, and import it on public account. 
This plan is incomparably better than the former. 
Instead of losing on the sale of its specie or bills, 
the public would gain a considerable profit on the 
commodities imported. The loan would go much 
further this way, in supplying the expenses of the 
war ; and a large stock of valuable commodities, 
useful to the army and to the country, would be 
introduced. This would affect the prices of things 
in general, and assist the currency. But the arts 
of monopolizers would prevent its having so exten- 
sive and durable an influence as it ought to have. 

A great impediment to. the success of this, as 
well as the former scheme, will be the vast sums 
requisite for the current expenses. The arguments 
adduced in the former case, are applicable here 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 399 

also, though not with equal force. The necessity 
the pubhc will be under of parting with its stock 
to defray the daily demands, will give designing 
men an opportunity, by combinations not to pur- 
chase, to oblige it to sell at a rate below the real 
value of money. This they may the more easily 
eifect, as the demand for foreign commodities is 
much less than formerly, on account of the gene- 
ral spirit of parsimony which has obtained from 
necessity, and the manufactures carried on in pri- 
A^ate families for their own use. The greatest 
part of the country people now almost entirely 
clothe themselves. 

The public must either sell very cheap, to col- 
lect rapidly the superfluous paper in hopes of 
raising the value of the remainder ; or it must 
sell very slow, to preserve the due proportion be- 
tween the articles it has for sale and those it wants 
to buy. By pursuing the first method, it will soon 
exhaust its stock at a very considerable loss, and 
only give temporary relief to the currency. Ac- 
cording to my principle, though it sells cheap, it 
must still buy dear ; and, consequently, the money 
collected cannot remain in the treasury long 
enough to preserve the rise in its appreciated state. 
If it pursues the second method, the expenditures 
will be equal to the income ; and though the pub- 
lic will make the natural profits on its goods, as it 



400 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

will lay up nothing, it will do nothing toward the 
appreciation.* 

The farmers have the game in their own hands, 
and will make it very difficult to lower the prices 
of their commodities. For want of labourers, there 
is no great superfluity of the most essential arti- 
cles raised. These are things of absolute necessi- 
ty, and must be purchased, as well by the other 
classes of the society as by the public. The far- 
mers, on the contrary, if they do not like the 
price, are not obliged to sell ; because they have 
almost every necessary within themselves ; salt, 
and one or two more, excepted ; which bear a 
small proportion to what is wanted from them ; and 
which they can obtain, by barter, for other articles 
equally indispensable. Heavy taxes, it may be 
said, will oblige them to sell ; but they can pay, 

* To form an idea of the effect of this plan, let it be supposed, that the 
goods imported, amount to two millions of pounds sterling, and that these sell 
at one hundred and fifty pounds in paper, for each pound sterling. The whole 
proceeds will be eight hundred millions of dollars : to these add two hundred 
millions, raised in taxes. There will then be in the hands of the public, one 
thousand millions of dollars ; which, at sixty to one, gives sixteen millions 
six hundred and sixty six thousand, six hundred and sixty six, and two-thirds 
of real dollars. Take the year '76 for a standard, and suppose fourteen millions 
of dollars to be the proper annual expense of the war, which is only two mil- 
lions six hundred and sixty six thousand, six hundred and sixty six, and two 
thirds less than the whole amount of the goods and taxes. At this rate, the 
plan would do little more than defray the expenses of the war for one year. 
But this calculation is not exactly true; because the money would certainly 
appreciate, in some degree, by tlie reduction of its quantity: yet, as this re^ 
duction would not last, at least in the same extent, to preserve the apprecia- 
tion ; and, as in proportion to the appreciation, the price of goods must fall, 
and bring less money in; it is difficult to say, whether it would not ultimately 
come to the same thinsf. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 401 

with a small part of what they have, any taxes 
our legislatures will venture to impose, or would 
be able to enforce. 

One measure, alone, can counterbalance these 
advantages of the farmers, and oblige them to con- 
tribute their proper quota to the support of Govern- 
ment ; a tax in kind. 

This ought instantly to begin throughout the 
States. The present quantity of cash, though 
nominally enormous, would, in reality, be found 
incompetent to domestic circulation, were it not 
that a great part of our internal commerce is car- 
ried on by barter. For this reason, it is impossi- 
ble, by pecuniary taxes, to raise a sum proportion- 
ed to the wants of the State. The money is no 
longer a general representative ; and when it ceases 
to be so, the State ought to call for a portion of 
the thing represented ; or, in other words, to tax 
in kind. This will greatly facilitate whatever plan 
of finance is adopted ; because it will lessen the 
expenditures in cash, and make it the easier to 
retain what is drawn in. 

I said the demand for foreign goods is less than 
it formerly was. I mean there is not a demand 
for so large a quantity, which the reasons already 
assigned, clearly demonstrate ; nor are the exorbi- 
tant rates now given any objection to this doc- 
trine. There is an absolute scarcity even in com- 
parison of the present consumption ; and, of course^ 

VOL. I. 51 



402 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

a demand for what there is. But should an im- 
portation of two millions sterling take place, the 
market would be glutted ; and there would be no 
way of keeping up the price, but by making very 
slow sales. A less quantity would stand no chance 
of calling in the money, and keeping it in long 
enough to effect anything in favour of its credit. 

I say nothing about the risk of importation. I 
do not believe we could obtain a convoy sufficient 
to justify our hazarding it without the precaution 
of insurance. But with this expedient we are safe ; 
and must be satisfied with smaller profits for the 
sake of security. 

This is a plan not altogether to be rejected. 
With prudent management it might enable us to 
carry on the war two or three years (which, per- 
haps, is as long as it may last) ; l)ut if we should ex- 
pect more from it, the restoration of the currency, 
we should be disappointed. 

The only plan that can preserve the currency, 
is one that will make it the immediate interest of 
the monied men to co-operate with Government 
in its support. This country is in the same pre- 
dicament in which France was previous to the 
famous Mississippi scheme, projected by Mr. Law. 
Its paper money, like ours, had dwindled to no- 
thing ; and no efforts of the Government could 
revive it, because the people had lost all confi- 
dence in its ability. Mr. Law, who had much 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 403 

more penetration than integrity, readily perceived, 
that no plan could succeed which did not unite 
the interest and credit of rich individuals with 
those of the State ; and upon this, he framed the 
idea of his project, which, so far, agreed in princi- 
ple with the Bank of England. The foundation 
was good, but the superstructure too vast. The 
proprietors aimed at unlimited wealth, and the 
Government itself expected too much ; which was 
the cause of tlie ultimate miscarriage of the 
scheme, and of all the mischiefs that befel the 
kingdom in consequence. 

It will be oar wisdom to select what is good 
in this plan, and in any others that have gone be- 
fore us; avoiding their defects and excesses. 
Something on a similar principle in America, will 
alone accomplish the restoration of paper credit, 
and establish a permanent fund for the future 
exigencies of Government. 

Article I. The plan I would propose, is that 
of an American Bank, instituted by authority of 
Congress for ten years, under the denomination 
of The Bank of The United States. 

II. A foreign loan makes a necessary part 
of the plan ; but this I am persuaded we can ob- 
tain, if Ave pursue the proper measures. I shall 
suppose it to amount to two millions of pounds 
sterling. This loan to be thrown into the Bank 
as a part of its stock. 



404 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

III. A subscription to be opened for two hun- 
dred millions of dollars; and the subscribers 
erected into a Company, to be called The Company 
or THE Bank of the United States. 

IV. The Government to guarantee this sub- 
scription money to the proprietors, at the rate of 
one for twenty ; that is, to engage, at the dissolu- 
tion of the Bank, to make good to them the sum 
of ten millions of dollars, in lieu of the two hun- 
dred millions subscribed, payable in Spanish 
milled dollars, or a currency bona fide equivalent 
to them. 

V. The taxes raised in money annually, to 
be thrown into stock.* 

VI. All the remaining paper to be called in 
(at the option of the possessor), and bank notes 
issued in lieu of them, for so much sterling, paya- 
ble to the bearer in three months from the date, 
at two per cent, per annum interest. A pound 
sterling to be estimated at two hundred and six- 
ty-six, and two-thirds, of the present dollars. | The 
interest to be punctually paid in specie at the end 
of the three months ; when it shall be at the 

* The taxes are made to increase every year, lor the three years; because 
the money in circulation increases, and, consequently, the people can aflord 
to pay more. 

t This is sixty paper dollars to one dollar of four shillings and sixpence 
sterling ; which is the real value of the money. But if it is apprehended that 
this may meet with opposition, let the valuation of the bank notes be the 
sanit- a the price of European Bills of Exchange. Other operations must be 
FPguiated accordingly. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 405 

choice of the possessor to have the bank notes 
renewed, or to receive the sum deposited, in the 
old paper. 

VII. All the money issued from the Bank, to be 
of the same denomination, and on the same terms.* 

VIII. The Bank to furnish Congress with an 
annual loan of tw^o millions sterling-, if they have 
occasion for it, at four per cent, interest. 

IX. The whole, or such part of the stock as 
is judged necessary, to be employed in commerce, 
in the manner, and on the terms, which shall be 
agreed upon, from time to time, between the Com- 
pany, and a Board of Trade to be appointed by 
Congress. 

X. The Bank to issue occasionally, by per- 
mivSsion of Congress, such sums as may be thought 
safe and expedient, in private loans, on good 
securities, at six per cent, interest. 

XI. The Government to share half the whole 
stock and profits of the Bank. 



* The reason of this is, to preserve the idea of a Stock, and make it seem 
that the old paper is still in existence. But there is danger, notwithstanding 
the reasons to the contrary, that there may be a run upon the Bank, from par- 
ticular causes, which may embarrass it. It is not probable the old paper will 
be entirely, though nearly, called out of circulation : what remains, will ap- 
preciate: this may tempt those who have bank notes, to demand payment on 
the terms of the original deposit ; without considering that, by bringing too 
great a quantity again into circulation, it will again depreciate. The Bank 
may be pushed to a very disagreeable extremity by this means. I do not 
know whether it may not he advisable to confine the privilege of repayment 
to the lenders to the Bank, and make the bills bear interest, payable every 
three months, without making the principal demandable. Much may be sai4 
for and against. It is well worth consideration, 



406 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

XII. The Bank to be managed by the trustees 
of the Company, under the inspection of the Board 
of Trade,* who may have recourse to the Compa- 
ny books whenever they think proper, to examine 
the state of its aifairs. The same is done in Eng- 
land, and in other countries where Banks are esta- 
blished, and is a privilege which the Government 
has a right to demand for its own security. It is the 

* This Board ought immediately to be established, at all events. The 
Royal Council of Commerce, in France, and the subordinate Chambers in each 
province, form an excellent institution, and may, in many respects, serve as a 
model. Congress have too long neglected to organize a good scheme of ad- 
ministration, and throw public business into proper executive departments. 
For commerce, I prefer a Board ; but for most other things, single men. 
We want a Minister of War, a Minister of Foreign Affairs, a Minister of Fi- 
nance, and a Minister of Marine. There is always more decision, 
more despatch, more secrecy, more responsibility, where single men, than 
where bodies are concerned. By a plan of this kind, we should blend the ad- 
vantages of a Monarchy and of a Republic, in a happy and beneficial union. 
Men will only devote their lives and attentions to the mastering a profession, 
on which they can build reputation and consequence which they do not share 
vsdth others. 

If this plan should be approved, Congress ought immediately to appoint a 
Minister of Finance, under whatsoever title they think proper, and charge 
him with its execution. He ought to be a man of ability, to comprehend it in 
all its consequences ; and of eloquence, to make others comprehend and relish 
it. He ought, beside, to have some general knowledge of the science. This 
man ought immediately to address himself to some of the most sensible mo- 
nied men; and endeavour to convince them of the utility of the project. 
These must engage others, and so on, till a sufficient number is engaged. 

Then Congress must establish the Bank, and set it agoing. I know of no 
man that has better pretensions than yourself ; and I shall be very happy to 
hear that Congress have said, " Thou art the man." 

I had like to have omitted one remark, which is, that the subscription money 
may be guaranteed, ifnecessary,at 10 to 1, as a greater inducement. This will 
only be twenty millions of dollars, or five millions of pounds sterling ; a cheap 
bargain to get rid of the perplexities we labour under, and convert the torrent 
of ideal money into a moderate, but sufficient, stream, to supply the real wants 
of the State. Congress, no doubt, would be able to borrow enough abroad to 
pay this debt, if it should not find better means within itself. But I shall be 
much mistaken, if the proprietors will desire to be repaid, and- not prefer 
continuing the loan to Government on reasonable terms. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 407 

more necessary in this case, from the commercial 
nature of the Bank. 

To give an idea of the advantages 

[Here apart of the manuscript is missing.] 

which, having all the operation of money, and of 
a more advantageous kind than that which the 
lenders have parted with, will have all the effi- 
cacy of a payment. It is for this reason they are 
made to bear interest : and there can be no doubt, 
that every man will prefer a species of money 
which answers all the purposes of a currency, and 
even, when lying idle, brings in a profit to the 
possessor. The same consideration will prevent 
the lenders recalling the old paper, at the quarter- 
ly payments; because they hold a more valuable 
property instead of it. The interest is to be paid 
in specie, as a further temptation, for which a small 
sum will suffice. The denomination of the money 
is altered ; because it will produce a useful illu- 
sion. Mankind are much led by sounds and ap- 
pearances ; and the currency having changed, its 
name will seem to have changed its nature. 

The Bank will advance bills to the amount of 
two millions of pounds sterling to Congress ; and, 
in addition to its stock, will now have a debt due 
it of this sum, which is to be considered as so much 
gained. 

[Here a part of the manuscript is missing.] 



408 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

Brought over, . . 7,075,000 

To be deducted. 

Drawn out of circulation, by the 

sale of goods imported, 4,000,000 
By governmental taxes, 

supposed to be, 1,000,000—5,000,000 



Remaining in circulation the 

fourth year, £2,075,000 

This will be less than the preceding, which is 
occasioned by the million supposed to be drawn 
in by taxes. 

The national debt, on this plan, will stand thus, 
at the end of three years : 

Foreign loan, . . . 2,000,000 

Domestic loan, at two millions per 

annum, . . . 6,000,000 

Interest, at four per cent., . 320,000 



8,320,000 
Half the value of the Bank, . 7,900,000 



Balance against the United States, £420,000 
We may, therefore, by means of this establish- 
ment, carry on the war three years, and only in* 
cur a debt of four hundred and twenty thousand 
pounds over and above the guarantee of the sub- 
scription money ; which, however, is not to be 
paid till the end of ten years. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 409 

1 have said, in one place, that abstract calcula- 
tions, in questions of finance, are not to be relied 
on : and as the complex operations of trade are 
involved in the present plan, I am, myself, ditli- 
dent of those flattering results which it presents 
at every step. I am aware how apt the imagina- 
tion-is to be heated in projects of this nature, and 
to ov erlook the fallacies which often lurk in first 
principles. But when I consider, on the other 
hand, that the scheme stands on the firm footing 
of public and private faith ; that it links the inter- 
ests of the State in an intimate connexion with 
those of the rich individuals belonging to it ; that 
it turns the wealth and influence of both into a 
commercial channel, for mutual benefit, which 
must afford advantages not to be estimated ; that 
there is a defect of circulating medium, which this 
plan supplies, by a sort of creative power ; con- 
verting what is so produced into a real and efiica- 
cious instrument of trade : I say, when I consider 
these things, and many more that might be added, 
I cannot forbear feeling a degree of confidence in 
the plan ; and, at least, hoping that it is capable 
of being improved into something that will give re- 
lief to our finances. 

I do not believe, that the advantages will be so 
great in fact, as they seem to be in speculation. 
They will be limited by the means of commerce 
which the States produce ; and these may not be 

VOL. I. 52 



410 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

SO extensive in the beginning as the plan supposes. 
Beside this, the profits of the commerce will not 
be so large, in proportion, after the first or second 
year, as during those years : neither will it be pos- 
sible to increase the paper credit in the same de- 
gree. But the Bank of England is a striking ex- 
ample, how far this may be carried, when support- 
ed by public authority and private influence. On 
the other hand, a variety of secondary expedients 
may be invented, to enlarge the advantages of the 
Bank. The whole system of annuities, as prac- 
ticed in England, may be engrafted upon it, with 
such differences as are proper to accommodate it 
to our circumstances. The European loan may 
also be converted into a European Bank, the in- 
terests of which, being interwoven with the 
American Bank, may engage rich individuals there 
in promoting and extending the plan. 

Very beneficial contracts may be made between 
Government and the Company, for supplying the 
army, by which money may be saved to the pub- 
lic, the army better furnished, and the profits of 
the Bank extended. 

I have confined the Bank to the space of ten 
years ; because this will be long enough to judge 
of its advantages and disadvantages : and the lat- 
ter may be rectified by giving it a new form. I 
do not suppose it will ever be discontinued ; be- 
cause it seems to be founded on principles that 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 411 

must always operate well, and make it the inter- 
est, both of Government and the Company, to up- 
hold it. But I suppose the plan capable of im- 
provement, which experience will suggest. 

I give one half the whole property of the Bank 
to the United States ; because it is not only just, 
but desirable, to both parties. The United States 
contribute a great part of the stock ; their authori- 
ty is essential to the existence of the Bank ; their 
credit is pledged for its support. The plan would 
ultimately fail, if the terms were too favourable to 
the Company, and too hard upon Government. It 
might be encumbered with a debt which it could 
never pay, and be obliged to take refuge in a 
bankruptcy. The share which the State has in 
the profits, will induce it to grant more ample 
privileges, without which the trade of the Com- 
pany might often be under restrictions injurious 
to its success. 

It is not, perhaps, absolutely necessary that the 
sum subscribed should be so considerable as I have 
stated it, though the larger the better. It is only 
necessary it should be considerable enough to en- 
gage a sufficient number of the principal monied 
men in the scheme. But Congress must take 
care to proportion the advantages they give and 
receive. 

It may be objected, that this plan will be preju- 
dicial to trade, by making the Government a par- 



412 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE, 

ty with a trading Company ; which may be a temp- 
tation to arrogate exchisive privileges, and thereby 
fetter that spirit of enterprise and competition, on 
which the prosperity of commerce depends. But 
Congress may satisfy the jealousies on this head, 
by a solemn resolution not to grant exclusive 
privileges, which alone can make the objection 
valid. Large trading ComjDanies must be bene- 
ficial to the commerce of a nation, when they are 
not invested with these, because they furnish a 
capital with which the most extensive enterprises 
may be undertaken. There is no doubt the es- 
tablishment proposed, would be very serviceable 
at this juncture, merely in a commercial view ; 
for private adventurers are not a match for the nu- 
merous obstacles resulting from the present pos- 
ture of affairs. 

The present plan is the product of some reading 
on the subjects of commerce and finance, and of 
occasional reflections on our particular situation : 
but a want of leisure has prevented its being ex- 
amined in so many lights, and digested so mate- 
rially, as its importance requires. If the outlines 
are thought worthy of attention, and any difficul- 
ties occur w^hich demand explanation : or if the 
plan be approved, and the further thoughts of the 
writer are desired ; a letter directed to James 
Montague, Esquire, lodged in the post office at 
jVIorristown, will be a safe channel of any com^ 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 413 

munications you may think proper to make ; and 
an immediate answer will be given. Though the 
writer has reasons which make him unwilling to 
be known ; if a personal conference with him 
should be thought material, he will endeavour to 
comply. 

You will consider this as a hasty production, 
and excuse the incorrectnesses with which it 
abounds. 

I am, Sir, very respectfully. 

Your most obedient and humble servant. 



HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON. 

Amboy, March 17, 17S0. 

Dear Sir : 

1 duly received your letter of the fourteenth, 
and shall not fail, in conjunction with General St. 
Clair, to attend to the military object of it. I am 
much obliged to your Excellency for the commu- 
nication of your Southern advices. The enemy 
are still in the dark about their fleet and army 
gone that way, as we gather from the commission- 
ers. They pretend to have little European news, 
though a vessel arrived two or three days since 
from England, after ten weeks passage. We send 
you some late New York papers. 

The commission has been several days at an end. 
The enemy, as was supposed, had no idea of treat- 



414 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

ing on national ground. We are now in private 
conversation, and so far not without hopes that 
the liberation of our prisoners will be effected on 
admissible terms. Two or three days more will 
probably put an end to the interview. General 
St. Clair and Colonel Carrington, beg their respects 
may be presented to your Excellency. 
I have the honour to be, 

Very respectfully and affectionately, 
Your Excellency's most ob't servant, 

Alex. Hamilton, 



HAMILTON TO BARON STEUBEN. 

May 10, 1780. 

Dear Baron- 

General Knox, in conversation, has observed to 
the General, that instead of sending to Philadel- 
phia for the fifteen hundred arms mentioned in 
your letter of the sixth, and sending those here 
to that place to be fitted, it would be a great sav- 
ing of expense, in the article of transportation, to 
have the bayonets and accoutrements brought on 
without the arms, and fitted to those now here ; 
which can easily be done at the Park. The ques- 
tion is, if the arms here have no other defect than 
want of bayonets. The General will be glad to 
know what you think of General Knox's proposal. 
It seems to him eligible, unless there are reasons 
he is not acquainted with. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 415 

If there are any other articles you wish to have 
sent for (the General thinks you mentioned some- 
thing of the kind to him), he will be glad to know 
what they are. 

We have heard from the Marquis. He will be 
here at dinner. Will you dine with us also ? The 
General requests it. 

I have the honour to be, dear Baron, 
Your very humble servant, 

Alex. Hamilton, A. D. C. 



HAMILTON TO BARON STEUBEN. 

Dear Baron : 
I am commanded by the General to inform you, 
that the enemy are out in considerable force ; and, 
by the last advice, were advancing this way. We 
are going to meet them. The General is just set 
out for Chatham, and will be happy to meet you 
there. Yours respectfully, 

A. Hamilton, A. D. C. 



HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON. 

June 8, 1780. 

Sir: 
I have seen the enemy. Those in view I calcu- 
late at about three thousand : there may be, and 



416 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

probably enough are, others out of sight. They 
have sent all their horse to the other side, except 
about fifty or sixty. Their baggage, it is agreed 
on all hands, has also been sent across, and their 
wounded. It is not ascertained that any of their 
infantry have passed to the other side. There 
are four or five hundred on the opposite point ; 
but it is uncertain whether they are those who 
went from this side, or those who were on State n 
Island. I rather suppose the former. 

Different conjectures may be made. The pre- 
sent movement may be calculated to draw us 
down and betray us into an action. They may 
have desisted from their intention of passing till 
night, for fear of our falling upon their rear. I be- 
lieve this is the case : for as they have but few 
boats, it would certainly be a delicate manoeuvre 
to cross in our face. We are taking measures to 
watch their motions to-night, as closely as possi- 
ble. An incessant but very light skirmishing. 
Very few boats, not more than enough to carry 
three or four hundred men at a time. It is likely 
more will come down this evening. 
I have the honor to be. 

Your Excellency's most obedient servant, 

Alex. Hamilton. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 417 

HAMILTON TO BARON STEUBEN. 

Whippany, June 25, 1780. 

Dear Baron : 

The enemy, the day before yesterday, made a 
forward movement to Springfield, which they 
bm-nt, and retired to Elizabethtown Point. The 
same evening they crossed over to Staten Island ; 
and there are a great many concurring circum- 
stances which make it probable we shall next 
hear of them on the North River. As you are 
at West Point, the General wishes you to remain 
there until the present appearances come to some 
result. He has confidence in your judgment, and 
wishes you to give your advice and assistance to 
the commanding officer. As you have no com- 
mand in the post, you can only do this in a pri- 
vate friendly way : but I dare say General Howe 
will be happy to consult you. You will consider 
this as a private letter in which I rather convey 
you the General's wishes than his commands. 

All the army is in march toward you, and will 

be at Pumpton this evening. 

I have the honor to be. 

Very respectfully and affectionately, 

Your humble servant, 

Alex. Ha3iilton, 
VOL. I. 53 



418 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

HAMILTON TO BARON STEUBEN. 

Head Quarters, Ramapo, June 30, 1780. 

Agreeably to your request, my dear Baron, I 
communicated your project to the General. Hap- 
pily the inactivity of the enemy has given us time 
to make dispositions which render the calling out 
the militia unnecessary ; and the whole has been 
accordingly countermanded. 

The General requests that when you have com- 
pleted the object of your errand in your depart- 
ment, and put things in train, you will rejoin the 
army. 

I wrote you a line from Whippany, of which 
you made no mention. 

I have the honour to be, yours, 

A. H. 



HAMILTON TO BARON STEUBEN. 

Head Quarters, July 23, 1780. 

I have received, my dear Baron, your two letters 
of the sixteenth and eighteenth. On the forma- 
tion of the Light Infantry, the General has already 
written to you. I presume it will be, ultimately, 
nearly as you have proposed. 

Smith set out, some days since, to join you. 
Bradford, I am told, is undecided about entering 
into the office. Col. Scammel has promised to bring 
him to me ; and if he accepts, we will forward 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 419 

him. I believe Prescott will be appointed in the 
Light Infantry. Entre nous, 't is not easy to find good 
Majors for this corps in the Massachusetts Line ; 
and as it will act a good deal with the French troops, 
we wish it (for this additional reason) to be well 
officered. Prescott will answer the purpose: but 
he is not yet to know that he is in contemplation. 
We shall not long continue in our present position. 
The distinctions of departments are an old story, 
which now do not exist except with respect to 
South Carolina. You are with a detachment 
of the main army. 

I dare say all you are doing will be found right, 
I shall join my beau-pere to save you from the 
cord. The arrangement for your department was 
unfortunately sent to Congress soon after you went 
from here ; with the most pressing instances to deter- 
mine upon it without delay. We have heard nothing 
of it since. We have repeated our prayers and ex- 
hortations. If we get no answer in three or 
four days, we must determine for ourselves. 

Major Francis is returned from Philadelphia ; but 
I have not seen him since the arrival of your let- 
ters. I will move the inquiry you wish, when I 
see him. Can you do anything for him in your 
department ? 

A severe stroke upon us, is, that our arms, ex- 
pected from France, are not arrived. I do not 
know how we shall be able to arm our recruits. 



420 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

Graves sailed from the Hook the nineteenth. 
We had been playing off and on two days. 

Adieu, my dear Baron, and believe me always, 
with the most respectful attachment, 
Your humble servant, 

A. H. 



BAUMAN TO HAMILTON. 

West Point, August 13, 1780. 

Dear Sir: 

I cannot help laying before you a few of my 
thoughts, which lately have engrossed my whole 
attention, on the review of our changeable Govern- 
ment at West Point. However, I hope you will 
make no other use of them but such as may 
be of advantage ; and whatever may be improper, 
or improperly stated, impute to my inability only : 
and there you will please to let it rest, and take 
in good part what I shall say, as it proceeds from a 
zeal of affection to you, and from a regard to the 
cause I am engaged in. On this consideration 
you will excuse me, if anywhere I should seem 
to exceed those bounds which custom has pre- 
scribed to subalterns, when they treat of any- 
thing, or adopt modes, to their superiors. 

A continual change of commanding officers, or 
Commandants, is, in my humble opinion, injurious 
to this post, and hurtful to the military duty, so 
absolutely requisite to be performed, and pre- 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 421 

served, in a garrison. As there is no nation at 
war which pursues the like mode expepting us ; 
I am therefore induced, not only from this con- 
sideration, but from weighty experience during 
my station at this post, to offer an opinion of 
its impropriety, and bad consequences. The visi- 
ble ill it creates ; the damage to innumerable 
things ; the irregularity it continually causes ; and 
lastly, the total loss of the many thousands which 
have been, and daily are, expended on this na- 
tional fabric, which inevitably must fall to pieces, 
unless an officer is fixed to this post (and who 
ought to be a competent judge of fortifications, and 
a military man), are matters which, I think, de- 
mand consideration. 

A Town-Major, and a good Barrack-Master, are 
as necessary here, as the necessaries of life are. 
The former to regulate the duty and to keep up 
discipline in this jurisdiction : the latter to take 
care of the buildings, which must otherwise be des- 
troyed. The next thing which falls to our atten- 
tion, is the public provision, which has been, and 
daily is, exposed here to be lost, to be stolen, and 
to be damaged, for want of sufficient shelter and 
proper repositories. The troops have suffered, and 
still suffer, from these and other causes. They have 
been cheated in weights, in measure, and in their 
scanty allowance of fatigue rum ; which I can at- 
test, by being appointed, after my having repre- 



422 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

sented the matter to General M'Dougall, to in- 
spect into some of those abuses. Notwithstanding 
the many thousands of boards which came here, 
there are not sufficient for barracks, bunks, etc. For 
as fast as one thing is built up, another is torn 
down again. There is not, in all this garrison, a 
proper guard-house for the conveniency of soldiers, 
nor for the security of the criminals. No powder 
magazine, nor a store for the reception and re- 
serve of the implements of war. In short, the 
whole appears, at present, under the care of un- 
governable and undisciplined militia, like a wild 
tartar's camp, instead of that shining fortification 
all America thinks not onJy an insurmountable 
barrier against the incursion of its enemy, but 
likewise an easy defence in case of an unforeseen 
disaster of its army. 

However, to return to my subject. The impor- 
tance of those heads already mentioned, and their 
connexion with those preceding, will, I hope, 
obtain your pardon for the digression into which 
they have led me ; and to your discretion I shall 
leave what I state. 

In a letter I wrote to General Knox some 
time last winter, among many things I had to say 
concerning the ordnance and myself, I made 
this remark, to wit : " That relieving of an officer 
from a garrison, is not like a relieve in the field ; 
for an officer who knows himself to be relieved. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 423 

will leave many things undone for the next to 
do ; which I have seen, heard, and experienced. 
Beside, after once everything is to rights, the 
men then ought to desist from labour, and exercise 
the guns. But new commanding officers have 
chiefly new systems of defence, which add la- 
bour to labour, and nothing will be formed sys- 
tematically." 

I have already stated these and more things 
minutely to the general officers here, who all 
agreed in their validity and propriety. But they, 
being all liable to immediate removal, there 
cannot be anything formed into a permanent 
and regular system. Moreover, I have been 
informed, that owing to the mismangement of 
their predecessors, they were obliged, after 
they had taken the command, to hunt for mate- 
rials in order to build their own systems ; and 
to issue orders upon orders, to acquaint them- 
selves with those persons who have, as it were, in 
keeping, the several branches which flow into this 
department. 

And let me once more, in confidence, assure you, 
that I suffer incessant pain from the sad state 
this garrison is in. To rectify defects, my dear Sir, 
when roused to arms, can never be attainable. 
Therefore let me beg you to assist in adopting 
some plan which may be soldiery, for the good of 
the service : which, however, can be done in no 



424 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

other manner, but such as I have hinted to you. 
For let General Arnold have all the sagacity imagi- 
nable, it will take him some time to get himself well 
acquainted with the position and defence of this 
post ; especially as there is not one single Conti- 
nental officer left here who can any way assist 
him. Everything seems new here ; and the very 
engineer is transferred from hence, on whom he, 
in some measure, could have depended for infor- 
mation, with regard to the weakest and strongest 
parts of this fortress. And I have not yet told 
you the one hundredth part of what I have to say 
upon some of these subjects ; but I vshall finish 
with prognosticating, that should ever capricious- 
ness hold sway here, it may prove fatal to this post. 
I am, with due respect. Sir, 
Your most humble servant, 

S. Bauman, 
Major of Artillery. 



WILLIAMS TO HAMILTON. 

Hillsborough, August 30, 1780. . 

Dear Hamilton: 
About the twenty-third instant, I wrote my 
friend Harrison from Salisbury, giving him a very 
hasty particular account of the defeat of General 
Gates' army at Sutton's, near Campden, the six- 
teenth instant. We were truly unfortunate, and 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 425 

completely routed. The infamous cowardice of the 
militia of Virginia and North Carolina, gave the 
enemy every advantage over our few regular troops, 
whose firm opposition and gallant behaviour have 
gained them the applause, as well of our successful 
foes, as of our runaway friends. If I mentioned 
to Col. Harrison the loss of two howitzers, I was 
mistaken. We had eight pieces of light artillery, 
with six ammunition waggons, which, with the 
greatest part of our baggage, were lost. 

Our retreat was the most mortifying that could 
have happened. Those who escaped the dangers 
of the field, knew not where to find protection : 
the wounded found no relief from the inhabitants, 
who were immediately in arms against us ; and 
many of our fugitive officers and men were dis- 
armed by those faithless villains, who had flattered 
us with promises of joining us against the enemy. 
The tories are now assembling in different parts 
of the country ; and there is actually a sort of par- 
tisan war waged between them and the whigs of 
this country. 

The greatest part of our baggage was plundered 
by those who first left the field. The enemy took 
a part ; and much of what escaped them, has been 
pillaged by the inhabitants on the retreat. The 
waggon horses have been stolen, and frequently 
taken from the drivers ; and some of those desperate 
rascals have been daring enough to fire upon par- 

voL. I. 54 



426 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

ties of our regular troops many miles from the 
place of action. 

General Gates used the utmost expedition in get- 
ting from the lost field to this place. As this step 
is unaccountable to me, you must expect to know 
the reason another time, and from better authori- 
ty. An unfortunate General usually loses the con- 
fidence of his army ; and this is much the case 
with us at present. However, I suppose every- 
thing necessary will be done, in justification of the 
steps that have been taken, and then all will be 
vmderstood. Beside my ignorance, there is ano- 
ther reason for my silence on this subject. The 
General is extremely mortified at the disappoint- 
ment his hopes have met with ; and I think it un- 
generous to oppress dejected spirits by a prema- 
ture censure. 

The legislature of this State is now sitting at 
this place, and devising means of defending the 
country. The General has exhibited estimates (he 
informs me) of the supplies wanting to carry on 
the campaign, both to the legislature of this State, 
and to Virginia; and hopes they will be furnished. 
The officers of North Carolina talk confidently of 
re-embodying a great number of militia. General 
Stephens had collected about eight hundred of 
the Virginia militia at this place since the action. 
But I am sorry to add, at least half that number 
have deserted. The Maryland Division, including 
the Delaware regiment, will, I hope, muster six 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 427 

luuiclred when all are collected. Part are now here : 
a party are with General Smallwood at Ellis's 
Ferry, Adkin river ; and a small party with Major 
Anderson, who General Smallwood left some time 
at Charlotte, to receive the fugitives as they arrived. 
But this is the place of general rendezvous. 

From the best accounts I can get. Lord Corn- 
w^allis had with him, on the day of battle, the 
seventy-first, sixty-third, thirty-third, and twenty- 
third British regiments ; a corps of Hessians, Tarl- 
ton's Legion, and some new levies, amounting to 
about three thousand men. Our numbers were 
very little greater ; and our force will not be ima- 
gined so great, by those who are informed of our 
long march in a barren country, with very little 
other subsistence than a short allowance of fresh 
beef, green corn, apples, and peaches. 

As soon as I recover from a relaxation of spirits, 
which is all my present complaint, I will write 
you again, and inform you that we are resolved 
not to despair, but bear our fortunes like veterans 
in the South ; while you, like heroes in the North, 
win and wear the laurels of the present campaign. 

Present my most respectful compliments to the 

General, whom I love ; to all my friends at Head 

Quarters and in camp. Not a man among you have 

been generous enough to write a single sentence to 

Your sincere friend and servant, 

O. H. Williams. 

I mentioned the surprise of General Sumpter's 



428 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

party, which happened the sixteenth instant, in 
my last. 



HAMILTON TO JAMES DUANE. 

Liberty Pole, September 3, 1780. 

Dear Sir : 

Agreeably to your request, and my promise, I 
sit down to give you my ideas of the defects of 
our present system, and the changes necessary to 
save us from ruin. They may, perhaps, be the 
reveries of a projector, rather than the sober view s 
of a politician. You will judge of them, and 
make what use you please of them. 

The fundamental defect is a want of power 
in Congress. It is hardly worth while to show in 
what this consists, as it seems to be universally ac- 
knowledged ; or to point out how it has happened, 
as the only question is how to remedy it. It may, 
however, be said, that it has originated from three 
causes : An excess of the spirit of liberty, which has 
made the particular States show a jealousy of all 
power not in their own hands ; and this jealousy 
has led them to exercise a right of judging in the 
last resort of the measures recommended by Con- 
o-ress, and of acting according to their own opinions 
of their propriety, or necessity ; a diffidence, in 
Congress, of their own powers, by which they 
have been timid and indecisive in their resolutions ; 
constantly making concessions to the States, till 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 429 

they have scarcely left themselves the shadow of 
power; a want of sufficient means at their disposal 
to answ^er the public exigencies, and of vigour to 
draw forth those means ; which have occasioned 
them to depend on the States individually, to 
fulfil their engagements with the army ; the con- 
sequence of which, has been to ruin their influence 
and credit with the army, to establish its depend- 
ence on each State separately, rather than on them, 
that is, rather than on the whole collectively. 

It may be pleaded, that Congress had never any 
definite powers granted them, and, of course, could 
exercise none, could do nothing more than re- 
commend. The manner in which Congress was 
appointed, would warrant, and the public good re- 
quired, that they should have considered themselves 
as vested with full power to preserve the republic 
from harm. They have done many of the highest 
acts of sovereignty, which were always cheerfully 
submitted to : The declaration of independence ; 
the declaration of war ; the levying of an army ; 
creating a navy ; emitting money ; making allian- 
ces with foreign powers ; appointing a dicta- 
tor, etc., etc. All these implications of a complete 
sovereignty were never disputed, and ought to 
have been a standard for the whole conduct of ad- 
ministration. Undefined powers are discretionary 
powers, limited only by the object for which they 
were o-iven ; in the present case, the independence 



430 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

and freedom of America. The Confederation 
made no difference ; for as it has not been gene- 
rally adopted, it had no operation. But from 
what I recollect of it, Congress have even descend- 
ed from the authority which the spirit of that act 
gives them ; while the particular States have 
no further attended to it, than as it suited their 
pretensions and convenience. It would take 
too much time to enter into particular instan- 
ces, each of which separately might appear incon- 
siderable ; but united, are of serious import. I 
only mean to remark, not to censure. 

But the Confederation itself is defective, and 
requires to be altered. It is neither fit for war 
nor peace. The idea of an uncontrollable sover- 
eignty, in each State, over its internal police, will 
defeat the other powers given to Congress, and 
make our union feeble and precarious. There 
are instances without number, where Acts, necessa- 
ry for the general good, and which rise out of the 
powers given to Congress, must interfere with the 
internal police of the States ; and there are as many 
instances in which the particular States, by ar- 
rangements of internal police, can effectually, 
though indirectly, counteract the arrangements of 
Congress. You have already had examples of 
this, for which I refer you to your own memory. 

The Confederation gives the States, individually, 
too much influence in the affairs of the army. They 
should have nothing to do with it. The entire 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 431 

formation and disposal of our military forces, ought 
to belong to Congress. It is an essential cement 
of the union : and it ought to be the policy of 
Congress, to destroy all ideas of State attachments 
in the army, and make it look up wholly to them. 
For this purpose, all appointments, promotions, and 
provisions, whatsoever, ought to be made by them. 
It may be apprehended that this may be danger- 
ous to liberty. But nothing appears more evident 
to me, than that we run much greater risk of hav- 
ing a weak and disunited federal government, 
than one which will be able to usurp upon the 
rights of the people. 

Already some of the lines of the army would 
obey their States in opposition to Congress, not- 
withstanding the pains we have taken to preserve 
the unity of the army. If anything would hinder 
this, it would be the personal influence of the Gene- 
ral; a melancholy and mortifying consideration. 

The forms of our State constitutions, must al- 
ways give them great weight in our affairs, and 
w ill make it too difficult to bend them to the pursuit 
of a common interest; too easy to oppose what- 
ever they do not like ; and to form partial combi- 
nations subversive of the general one. There is 
a wide difference between our situation, and that 
of an empire under one simple form of government, 
distributed into counties, provinces, or districts, 
which have no legislatures, but merely magistratical 



432 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

bodies, to execute the laws of a common sover- 
eign. Here the danger is, that the sovereign will 
have too much power, and oppress the parts of 
which it is composed. In our case, that of an 
empire composed of confederated States ; each 
with a government completely organized within 
itself, having all the means to draw its subjects to 
a close dependence on itself; the danger is di- 
rectly the reverse. It is, that the common sover- 
eign will not have power sufficient to unite the dif- 
ferent members together, and direct the common 
forces to the interest and happiness of the whole. 

The leagues among the old Grecian republics 
are a proof of this. They were continually at 
w ar with each other ; and, for want of union, fell 
a prey to their neighbours. They frequently 
held general councils ; but their resolutions w^ere 
no further observed, than as they suited the inter- 
ests and inclinations of all the parties; and, at 
length, they sunk entirely into contempt. 

The Swiss Cantons are another proof of the doc- 
trine. They have had wars with each other, 
which would have been fatal to them, had not the 
different powers, in their neighbourhood, been too 
jealous of one another, and too equally matched, 
to suffer either to to take advantage of their quar- 
rels. That they have remained so long united at 
all, is to be attributed to their weakness, to their 
poverty, and to the cause just mentioned. These 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 433 

ties will not exist in America : a little time hence, 
some of the States will be powerful empires ; and 
we are so remote from other nations, that we shall 
have all the leisure and opportunity we can wish, 
to cut each other's throats. 

The Germanic corps might also be cited as an 
example in favour of the position. 

The United Provinces may be thought to be one 
against it. But the family of the Stadtholders, 
whose authority is interwoven Avith the whole 
Government, has been a strong link of union be- 
tween them. Their physical necessities, and the 
habits founded upon them, have contributed to it. 

Each province is too inconsiderable, by itself, to 
undertake anything. An analysis of their present 
constitutions, would show that tliey have many 
ties which would not exist in ours ; and that they 
are by no means a proper model for us. 

Our own experience should satisfy us. We 
have felt the difficulty of drawing out the re- 
sources of the country, and inducing the States to 
combine in equal exertions for the common cause. 
The ill success of our last attempt is striking. 
Some have done a great deal; others little, or 
scarcely anything. The disputes about bounda- 
ries, etc., testify how flattering a prospect we have 
of future tranquility, if we do not frame, in time, a 
confederacy capable of deciding the differences, 

VOL. J. 55 



434 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

and compelling the obedience of the respective 
members. 

The Confederation, too, gives the power of the 
purse too entirely to the State Legislatures. It 
should provide perpetual funds, in the disposal of 
Congress, by a land tax, poll tax, or the like. All 
imposts upon commerce, ought to be laid by Con- 
gress, and appropriated to their use. For, without 
certain revenues, a Government can have no pow- 
er. That power which holds the purse-strings 
absolutely, must rule. This seems to be a medium 
which, without making Congress altogether inde- 
pendent, will tend to give reality to its authority. 

Another defect in our system, is want of method 
and energy in the administration. This has partly 
resulted from the other defect ; but in a great de- 
gree from prejudice, and the want of a proper exe- 
cutive. Congress have kept the power too much 
in their own hands, and have meddled too much 
with details of every sort. Congress is, properly, 
a deliberative corps; and it forgets itself when it 
attempts to play the executive. It is impossible 
such a body, numerous as it is, constantly fluctu- 
ating, can ever act with sufficient decision, or with 
system. Two thirds of the members, one half the 
time, cannot know what has gone before them, or 
what connexion the subject in hand, has to what 
has been transacted on former occasions. The 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 435 

members who have been more permanent, will 
only give information, that promotes the side they 
espouse, in the present case ; and will as often mis- 
lead as enlighten. The variety of business must 
distract ; and the proneness of every assembly to 
debate, must at all times delay. 

Lately, Congress, convinced of these inconve- 
niences, have gone into the measure of appointing 
Boards. But this is, in my opinion, a bad plan. 

A single man, in each department of the admin- 
istration, would be greatly preferable. It would 
give us a chance of more knowledge, more ac- 
tivity, more responsibility, and, of course, more 
zeal and attention. Boards partake of a part of 
the inconveniences of larger assemblies. Their 
decisions are slower, their energy less, their re- 
sponsibility more diffused. They will not have the 
same abilities and knowledge as an administration 
by single men. Men of the first pretensions, will 
not so readily engage in them ; because they will 
be less conspicuous, of less importance, have less 
opportunity of distinguishing themselves. The 
members of Boards will take less pains to inform 
themselves and arrive to eminence, because they 
have fewer motives to do it. All these reasons 
conspire to give a preference to the plan of vest- 
ing the great executive departments of the State 
in the hands of individuals. As these men will 
be, of course, at all times under the direction of 



436 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

Congress, we shall blend the advantages of a Mo- 
narchy and Republic in our constitution. 

A question has been made, whether single men 
could be found to undertake these offices. I think 
they could; because there would be then, every- 
thing to excite the ambition of candidates. But, 
in order to this. Congress, by their manner of ap- 
pointing them, and the line of duty marked out, 
must show that they are in earnest in making 
these officers, officers of real trust and importance. 

I fear a little vanity has stood in the way of 
these arrangements, as though they would lessen 
the importance of Congress, and leave them no- 
thing to do. But they would have precisely the 
same rights and powers as heretofore, happily dis- 
encumbered of the detail. They would have to 
inspect the conduct of their ministers, deliberate 
upon their plans, originate others for the public 
good ; only observing this rule : that they ought to 
consult their ministers, and get all the information 
and advice they could from them, before they en- 
tered into any new measures, or made changes in 
the old. 

A third defect is, the fluctuating constitution of 
our army. This has been a pregnant source of 
evil : all our military misfortunes, three fourths of 
our civil embarrassments, are to be ascribed to it. 
The General has so fully enumerated the mischiefs 
of it, in a late letter of the , to Congress, 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 437 

that I could only repeat what he has said, and will 
therefore refer you to that letter. 

The imperfect and unequal provision made for the 
army, is a fourth defect, which you will find dehne- 
ated in the same letter. Without a speedy change, 
the army must dissolve. It is now a mob, rather 
than an army ; without clothing, without pay, 
without provision, without morals, without disci- 
pline. We begin to hate the country, for its 
neglect of us. The country begin to hate us, for 
our oppressions of them. Congress have long 
been jealous of us. We have now lost all confi- 
dence in them, and give the worst construction to 
all they do. Held together by the slenderest ties, 
we are ripening for a dissolution. 

The present mode of supplying the army, by 
State purchases, is not one of the least considera- 
ble defects of our system. It is too precarious a 
dependence; because the States will never be 
sufficiently impressed with our necessities. Each 
will make its own ease a primary object; the sup- 
ply of the army a secondary one. The variety of 
channels through which the business is transacted, 
will multiply the number of persons employed, 
and the opportunities of embezzling public money. 
From the popular spirit on which most of the Go- 
vernments turn, the State agents w ill be men of 
less character and ability : nor will there be so ri- 
gid a responsibiUty among them, as there might 
easily be among those in the employ of the Conti- 



438 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

neiit; of course, not so much diligence, care, or 
economy. Very little of the money raised in the 
several States, will go into the Continental trea- 
sury, on pretence, that it is all exhausted in pro- 
viding the quotas of supplies ; and the public will 
be without funds for the other demands of Go- 
vernment. The expense will be ultimately much 
greater, and the advantages much smaller. We 
actually feel the insufficiency of this plan ; and 
have reason to dread, under it, a ruinous extremity 
of want. 

These are the principal defects, in the present 
system, that now occur to me. There are many 
inferior ones, in the organization of particular de- 
partments, and many errors of administration, 
w Inch might be pointed out ; but the task w ould 
be troublesome and tedious : and if we had once 
remedied those I have mentioned, the others 
would not be attended with much difficulty. 

I shall now propose the remedies, which appear 
to me applicable to our circumstances, and neces- 
sary to extricate our affairs from their present de- 
plorable situation. 

The first step must be, to give Congress powers 
competent to the public exigencies. This may hap- 
pen in two ways : One, by resuming and exercising 
the discretionary powers I suppose to have been 
originally vested in them, for the safety of the 
States ; and resting their conduct on the candour 
of their countrymen, and the necessity of the 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 439 

conjimcture : the other, by calling immediately a 
Convention of all the States, with full authority to 
conclude finally upon a General Confederation ; 
stating to them, beforehand, explicitly, the evils 
arising from a want of power in Congress, and the 
impossi bility of supporting the contest on its present 
footing; that the delegates may come, possessed 
of proper sentiments, as well as proper authority, 
to give efficacy to the meeting. Their commission 
should include a right of vesting Congress with the 
whole, or a proportion, of the unoccupied lands, 
to be employed for the purpose of raising a reve- 
nue : reserving the jurisdiction to the States by 
whom they are granted. 

The first plan, I expect, will be thought too bold 
an expedient, by the generality of Congress ; and, 
indeed, their practice hitherto, has so riveted the 
opinion of their want of power, that the success 
of this experiment may very well be doubted. 

I see no objection to the other mode, that has 
any weight, in competition with the reasons for it. 
The Convention should assemble the first of Novem- 
ber next. The sooner the better. Our disorders are 
too violent to admit of a common or lingering 
remedy. The reasons for which I require them 
to be vested with plenipotentiary authority, are, 
that the business may suffer no delay in the exe- 
cution ; and may, in reality, come to effect. A Con- 
vention may agree upon a Confederation: the 
States, individually, hardly ever will. We must 



440 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

have one at all events, and a vigorous one, if we 
mean to succeed in the contest, and be happy here- 
after. As I said before, to engage the States to com- 
ply with this mode, Congress ought to confess to 
them, plainly and unanimously, the impracticability 
of supporting our affairs on the present footing, and 
without a solid coercive union. I ask, that the 
Convention should have a power of vesting the 
whole, or a part, of the unoccupied lands in Con- 
gress; because it is necessary that body should 
have some property, as a fund for the arrangements 
of finance; and I know of no other kind that can 
be given them. 

The Confederation, in my opinion, should give 
Congress complete sovereignty; except as to that 
part of internal police, which relates to the rights of 
property and life among individuals, and to raising 
money by internal taxes. It is necessary that eve- 
rything belonging to this, should be regulated by the 
State legislatures. Congress should have complete 
sovereignty in all that relates to war, peace, trade, 
finance ; and to the management of foreign affairs ; 
the right of declaring war ; of raising armies, offi- 
cering, paying them, directing their motions in 
every respect ; of equipping fleets, and doing 
the same with them ; of building fortifications, ar- 
senals, magazines, etc., etc. ; of making peace on 
such conditions as they think proper ; of regulating 
trade, determining with what countries it shall 
be carried on; granting indulgencies ; laying prohi- 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 441 

bitions on all the articles of export, or import ; im- 
posing duties ; granting bounties and premiums for 
raising, exporting, or importing, and applying to their 
own use, the product of these duties; only giving 
credit to the States on whom they are raised, in the 
general account of revenues and expenses ; institu- 
ting Admiralty Courts, etc. ; of coining money ; 
establishing Banks on such terms, and with such 
privileges, as they think proper ; appropriating funds, 
and doing whatever else relates to the operations 
of finance ; transacting everything with foreign 
nations ; making alliances, offensive and defensive ; 
treaties of commerce, etc., etc. 

The Confederation should provide certain per- 
petual revenues, productive, and easy of collection; 
a land tax, poll tax, or the like ; which, together 
with the duties on trade, and the unlocated lands, 
would give Congress a substantial existence, and 
a stable foundation for their schemes of finance. 
What more supplies were necessary, should be 
occasionally demanded of the States, in the present 
mode of quotas. 

The second step I would recommend, is, that 

Congress should instantly appoint the following 

great officers of State. A Secretary for Foreign 

Affairs, a President of War, a President of Marine, 

a Financier, a President of Trade. Instead of this 

last, a Board of Trade may be preferable, as the 

regulations of trade are slow and gradual; and re- 
voL. I. 56 



442 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

quire prudence and experience more than other 
qualities; for which Boards are very well adapted. 

Congress should choose for these offices, men of 
the first abilities, property, and character, in the 
Continent ; and such as have had the best opportu- 
nities of being acquainted with the several 
branches. General Schuyler, whom you mention- 
ed, would make an excellent President of War ; 
General M'Dougall a very good President of 
Marine. Mr. Robert Morris would have many 
things in his favour for the department of finance. 
He could, by his own personal influence, give 
great weight to the measures he should adopt. 
I dare say men, equally capable, may be found for 
the other departments. 

I know not if it would not be a good plan 
to let the Financier be President of the Board of 
Trade ; but he should only have a casting voice in 
determining questions there. There is a connex- 
ion between trade and finance, which ought to 
make the director of one acquainted with the 
other ; but the Financier should not direct the 
affairs of trade, because, for the sake of acquiring 
reputation by increasing the revenues, he might 
adopt measures that would depress trade. In 
what relates to finance, he should be alone. 

These officers should have nearly the same 
powers and functions as those in France analagous 
to them ; and each should be Chief in his depart- 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 443 

ment; with subordinate Boards, composed of assis- 
tants, clerks, etc., to execute his orders. 

In my opinion, a plan of this kind would be of 
inconceivable utility to our affairs ; its benefits 
would be very speedily felt. It would give new 
life and energy to the operations of Government. 
Business would be conducted with despatch, 
method, and system. A million of abuses, now 
existing, would be corrected ; and judicious plans 
would be formed and executed for the public 
good. 

Another step of immediate necessity, is, to re- 
cruit the army for the war, or at least for three 
years. This must be done by a mode similar to 
that which is practiced in Sweden. There the 
inhabitants are thrown into classes of sixteen ; and 
w^hen the sovereign wants men, each of these 
classes must furnish one. They raise a fixed sum 
of money ; and if one of the class is willing to be- 
come a soldier, he receives the money and offers 
himself a volunteer. If none is found to do this, a 
draught is made ; and he on whom the lot falls, re- 
ceives the money, and is obliged to serve. 

The minds of the people are prepared for a 
thing of this kind. The heavy bounties they have 
been obliged to pay for men to serve a few months, 
must have disgusted them wdtli this mode, and 
made them desirous of another, that will, once for 
all, answer the public purposes, and obviate a re^ 



444 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

petition of the demand. It ought, by all means, 
to be attempted ; and Congress should frame a 
general plan, and press the execution upon the 
States. 

When the Confederation comes to be framed, it 
ought to provide for this by a fundamental law ; 
and hereafter there would be no doubt of the suc- 
cess. 

But we cannot now wait for this. We want to 
replace the men whose times of service will ex- 
pire the first of January : for then, without this, 
we shall have no army remaining ; and the enemy 
may do what they please. The General, in his 
letter already quoted, has assigned the most sub- 
stantial reasons for paying immediate attention to 
this point. 

Congress should endeavour, both upon their cre- 
dit in Europe, and by every possible exertion in 
this country, to provide clothing for their officers; 
and should abolish the whole system of State sup- 
plies. The making good the depreciation of 
the currency, and all other compensations to 
the army, should be immediately taken up by 
Congress, and not left to the States. If they 
would have the accounts of depreciation liquida- 
ted, and governmental certificates given for what 
is due, in specie, or an equivalent to specie, it 
would give satisfaction ; appointing periodical set- 
tlements for future depreciation. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 445 

The placing the officers upon half-pay during 
life, would be a great stroke of policy ; and would 
give Congress a stronger tie upon them than any 
thing else they can do. No man, that reflects a 
moment, but will prefer a permanent provision of 
this kind to any temporary compensation. Nor is 
it opposed to economy : the difference between 
this, and between what has been already done, 
will be insignificant. The benefit of it to the wi- 
dow^s, should be confined to those whose husbands 
die during the war. As to the survivors, not more 
than one half, on the usual calculation of men's 
lives, will exceed the seven years for which the 
half-pay is already established. Beside this, 
whatever may be the visionary speculations of 
some men at this time, we shall find it indispen- 
sable, after the war, to keep on foot a considerable 
body of troops : and all the officers, retained for 
this purpose, must be deducted out of the half-pay 
list. If any one will take the pains to calculate 
the expense of these principles, I am persuaded 
he will find the addition of expense, from the estab- 
lishment proposed, by no means a national object. 

The advantages of securing the attachment of 
the army to Congress, and binding them to the 
service by substantial ties, are immense. We 
should then have discipline ; an army in reality, as 
well as in name. Congress would then have a 
solid basis of authority and consequence : for, to 



446 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

me, it is an axiom, that in our constitution, an army 
is essential to the American Union. 

The providing of supplies, is the pivot of every 
thing else (though a well-constituted army would, 
not in a small degree, conduce to this, by giving 
consistency and weight to Government). There 
are four ways, all which must be united : A foreign 
loan; heavy pecuniary taxes; a tax in kind ; a 
Bank founded on public and private credit. 

As to a foreign loan, I dare say Congress are 
doing every thing in their power to obtain it. 
The most effectual way will be to tell France, 
that, without it, we must make terms with Great 
Britain. This must be done with plainness and 
firmness; but with respect, and without petulance; 
not as a menace, but as a candid declaration of our 
circumstances. 

We need not fear to be deserted by France. 
Her interest and honour are too deeply involved 
in our fate ; and she can make no possible compro- 
mise. She can assist us, if she is convinced it is 
absolutely necessary ; either by lending us, herself, 
or by becoming our surety, or by influencing Spain. 
It has been to me astonishing, how any man could 
have doubted, at any period of our affairs, of the 
necessity of a foreign loan. It was self-evident, 
that we had not a fund of wealth in this country 
capable of affording revenues equal to the ex- 
penses. We must then create artificial revenues. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 447 

or borrow. The first was done ; but it ought to 
have been foreseen that the expedient could not 
last, and we should have provided in time for its 
failure. 

Here was an errour of Congress. I have good 
reason to believe, that measures were not taken, 
in earnest, early enough to procure a loan abroad. 
I give you my honour, that from our first outset, I 
thought as I do now, and w^ished for a foreign loan ; 
not only because I foresaw it would be essential, 
but because I considered it as a tie upon the na- 
tion from which it was derived, and as a mean to 
prop our cause in Europe. 

Concerning the necessity of heavy pecuniary 
taxes, I need say nothing ; as it is a point in which 
everybody is agreed. Nor is there any danger, 
that the product of any taxes, raised in this way, 
will overburthen the people, or exceed the wants 
of the public. Indeed, if all the paper in circula- 
tion were drawn annually into the treasury, it 
would neither do one nor the other. 

As to a tax in kind, the necessity of it results 
from this principle : that the money in circula- 
tion is not a sufficient representative of the produc- 
tions of the country ; and, consequently, no reve- 
nues, raised from it as a medium, can be a compe- 
tent representative of that part of the products of 
the country which it is bound to contribute to the 
support of the public. The public, therefore, to 



448 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

obtain its due, or satisfy its just demands, and its 
wants, must call for apart of those products them- 
selves. This is done in all those countries which 
are not commercial ; in Russia, Prussia, Denmark, 
Sweden, etc. ; and is peculiarly necessary in our 
case. 

Congress, in calling for specific supplies, seem to 
have had this in view ; but their intention has not 
been answered. The States, in general, have un- 
dertaken to furnish the supplies by purchase ; a 
mode, as I have observed, attended with every in- 
convenience, and subverting the principle on 
which the supplies wer6 demanded ; the insuffi- 
ciency of our circulating medium as a represen- 
tative for the labour and commodities of the coun- 
try. It is therefore necessary that Congress 
should be more explicit ; should form the outlines 
of a plan for a tax in kind, and recommend it to 
the States as a measure of absolute necessity. 

The general idea I have of a plan, is, that a re- 
spectable man should be appointed by the State, 
in each county, to collect the taxes and form ma- 
gazines ; that Congress should have, in each 
State, an officer to superintend the whole ; and 
that the State collectors should be subordinate and 
responsible to them. This Continental Superin- 
tendent might be subject to the general direc- 
tion of the Quarter-Master-General, or not, as 
might be deemed best ; but if not subject to him. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 449 

he should be obliged to make monthly returns to 
the President at War, who should instruct him 
what proportion to deliver to the Quarter-Master- 
General. It may be necessary, that the Superin- 
tendents should sometimes have power to dispose 
of the articles in their possession, on public ac- 
count ; for it would happen, that the contributions, 
in places remote from the army, could not be 
transported to the theatre of operations without 
too great expense ; in which case it would be eli- 
gible to dispose of them, and purchase, with the 
money so raised, in the countries near the imme- 
diate scene of war. 

I know the objections which may be raised to 
this plan ; its tendency to discourage indus- 
try, and the like. But necessity calls for it. We 
cannot proceed without : and less evils must give 
place to greater. It is, beside, practiced with 
success in other countries, and why not in this ? 
It may be said, the examples cited are from na- 
tions under despotic governments ; and that the 
same would not be practicable with us. But I 
contend, where the public good is evidently the 
object, more may be effected in governments like 
ours, than in any other. It has been a constant re- 
mark, that free countries have ever paid the heaviest 
taxes. The obedience of a free people to general 
laws, however hard they bear, is ever more per- 
fect than that of slaves to the arbitrary will of a 
VOL. I. 57 



450 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

prince. To this it may be added, tliat Sweden 
was always a free government ; and is so now, in a 
great degree, notwithstanding the late revolution. 
How far it may be practicable to erect a Bank 
on the joint credit of the public and of individu- 
als, can only be certainly determined by the expe- 
riment. But it is of so much importance, that the 
experiment ought to be fully tried. When I saw 
the subscriptions going on to the Bank established 
for supplying the army, I was in hopes it was only 
the embryo of a more permanent and extensive 
establishment. But I have reason to believe I 
shall be disappointed. It does not seem to be at 
all conducted on the true principles of a Bank. 
The Directors of it are purchasing with their 
Stock, instead of Bank notes, as I expected : in 
consequence of which, it must turn out to be a 
mere subscription of a particular sum of money 
for a particular purpose. 

Paper credit never was long supported in any 
country, on a national scale, where it w^as not 
founded on the joint basis of public and private 
credit. An attempt to establish it on public cre- 
dit alone, in France, under the auspices of Mr. 
Law, had nearly ruined the kingdom. We have 
seen the effects of it in America; and every suc- 
cessive experiment, proves the futility of the at- 
tempt. Our new money is depreciating almost 
as fast as the old ; though it has, in some States, 



MILITARY CORRESrONDENCE. 451 

as real funds as paper money ever had. The rea- 
son is, that the monied men have not an immedi- 
ate interest to uphold its credit. They may even, 
in many ways, find it their interest to undermine 
it. The only certain manner to obtain a permanent 
paper credit, is to engage the monied interest im- 
mediately in it, by making them contribute tlie 
whole, or part, of the Stock, and giving them the 
whole, or part, of the profits. 

The invention of Banks, on the modern princi- 
ple, originated in Venice. There the public, and 
a Company of monied men, are mutually concerned. 
The Bank of England unites public authority and 
faith with private credit : and hence we see, w hat 
a vast fabric of paper credit is raised on a visionary 
basis. Had it not been for this, England w^ould 
never have found sufficient funds to carry on her 
wars : but, with the help of this, she has done, and 
is doing, wonders. The Bank of Amsterdam is on 
a similar foundation. 

And why can we not have an American Bank ? 
Are our monied men less enlightened to their own 
interest, or less enterprising in the pursuit ? I be- 
lieve the fault is in Government, which does not 
exert itself to engage them in such a scheme. It 
is true, the individuals in America are not very 
rich ; but this would not prevent their instituting a 
Bank ; it w^ould only prevent its being done with 
such ample funds as in other countries. Have 



452 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

they not sufficient confidence in the Government, 
and in the issue of the cause ? Let the Govern- 
ment endeavour to insjDire that confidence, by 
adopting the measures I have recommended, or 
others equivalent to them. Let it exert itself to 
procure a solid Confederation ; to establish a good 
plan of executive administration; to form a per- 
manent military force ; to obtain, at all events, a 
foreign loan. If these things were in a train of 
vigorous execution, it would give a new spring to 
our affairs ; Government would recover its respec- 
tability, and individuals would renounce their diffi- 
dence. 

The object I should propose to myself, in the 
first instance, from a Bank, would be an auxiliary 
mode of supplies ; for which purpose, contracts 
should be made, between Government and the 
Bank, on terms liberal and advantageous to the 
latter. Everything should be done, in the first 
instance, to encourage the Bank. After it gets 
well established, it will take care of itself; and 
Government may make the best terms it can, for 
itself 

The first step to establishing the Bank, will be 
to engage a number of monied men of influence to 
relish the project, and make it a business. The 
subscribers to that lately established, are the 
fittest persons that can be found ; and their plan 
may be interwoven. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 453 

The outlines of my plan would be, to open sub- 
scriptions in all the States, for the Stock, which we 
will suppose to be one million of pounds. Real 
property, of every kind, as well as specie, should 
be deemed good Stock ; but at least a fourth part 
of the subscription should be in specie, or plate. 
There should be one great Company, in three divi- 
sions ; in Virginia, Philadelphia, and at Boston ; or 
two at Philadelphia and Boston. The Bank should 
have a right to issue Bank notes, bearing two per 
cent, interest, for the wliole of their Stock; but not 
to exceed it. These notes may be payable every 
three months, or oftener : and the faith of Govern- 
ment must be pledged for the support of the Bank. 
It must therefore have a right, from time to time, 
to inspect its operations, and must appoint inspec- 
tors for the purpose . 

The advantages of the Bank may consist in this ; 
in the profits of the contracts made with Govern- 
ment, which should bear interest to be annually 
paid in specie ; in the loan of money at interest, 
say six per cent. ; in purchasing lives by annuities, 
as practiced in England, etc. The benefit re- 
sulting to the Company, is evident from the con- 
sideration, that they may employ, in circulation, a 
great deal more money than they have specie in 
Stock, on the credit of the real property which 
they will have in other use. This money will 
be employed, either in fulfilling their contracts 



454 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

with the public, by which also they will gain a 
profit ; or in loans at an advantageous interest, or 
in annuities. 

The Bank may be allowed to purchase plate 
and bullion, and coin money; allowing Government 
a part of the profit. I make the Bank notes bear 
interest, to obtain a readier currency, and to in- 
duce the holders to prefer them to specie, to pre- 
vent too great a run upon the Bank, at any time, 
beyond its ability to pay. 

If Government can obtain a foreign loan, it 
should lend to the Bank, on easy terms, to extend 
its influence, and facilitate a compliance with its 
engagements. If Government could engage the 
States to raise a sum of money in specie, to be 
deposited in Bank in the same manner, it would 
be of the greatest consequence. If Government 
could prevail on the enthusiasm of the people, to 
make a contribution in plate for the same purpose, 
it would be a master-stroke. Things of this 
kind sometimes succeed in popular contests ; and, 
if undertaken with address, I should not despair 
of its success : but I should not be sanguine. 

The Bank may be instituted for a term of years 
by way of trial ; and the particular privilege of 
coining money, be for a term still shorter. A tem- 
porary transfer of it to a particular Company, can 
have no inconvenience, as the Government are in 
no condition to improve this resource ; nor could 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 455 

it, ill our circumstances, be an object to them ; 
though, with the industry of a knot of individuals, 
it might be a valuable one to them. 

A Bank of this kind, even in its commencement, 
would answer the most valuable purposes to Govern- 
ment and to the proprietors : in its progress, the 
advantages will exceed calculation. It will pro- 
mote commerce, by furnishing a more extensive 
medium, which we greatly want, in our circum- 
stances. I mean a more extensive valuable me- 
dium. We have an enormous nominal one at this 
time, but it is only a name. 

In the present unsettled state of things in this 
country, we can hardly draw inferences from what 
has happened in others ; otherwise I should be 
certain of the success of this scheme : but I think 
it has enough in its favour to be worthy of trial. 

I have only skimmed the surface of the differ- 
ent subjects I have introduced. Should the plans 
recommended come into contemplation, in earnest, 
and you desire my further thoughts, I will en- 
deavour to give them more form and particularitv. 
I am persuaded a solid Confederation, a perma- 
nent army, a reasonable prospect of subsisting it, 
would give us treble consideration in Europe, and 
produce a peace this winter. 

If a Convention is called, the minds of all the 
States, and the people, ought to be prepared to re- 
ceive its determinations by sensible and popular 



456 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

writings, which should conform to the views of 
Congress. There are epochs in human affairs 
when novelty even is useful. If a general opinion 
prevails that the old way is bad, whether true or 
false, and this obstructs, or relaxes, the operations 
of the public service, a change is necessary, if it be 
but for the sake of change. This is exactly the 
case now. 'T is a universal sentiment, that our 
present system is a bad one, and that things do 
not go right on this account. The measure of a 
Convention would revive the hopes of the people, 
and give a new direction to their passions, which 
may be improved in carrying points of substantial 
utility. The eastern States have already pointed 
out this mode to Congress : they ought to take the 
hint and anticipate the others. 

And, in future, my dear Sir, two things let me 
recommend, as fundamental rules for the conduct 
of Congress : to attach the army to them by every 
motive ; to maintain an air of authority (not domi- 
neering) in all their measures with the States. The 
manner in which a thing is done, has more influence 
than is commonly imagined. Men are governed by 
opinion : this opinion is as much influenced by ap- 
pearances as by realities. If a Government appears 
to be confident of its own powers, it is the surest 
way to inspire the same confidence in others. If it 
is diflident, it may be certain there will be a still 
greater diffidence in others ; and that its authority 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 457 

will not only be distrusted, controverted, but con- 
temned. 

I wish, too, Congress would always consider, 
that a kindness consists as much in the manner as 
in the thing. The best things done hesitatingly, 
and with an ill grace, lose their effect, and produce 
disgust rather than satisfaction or gratitude. In 
what Congress have at any time done for the ar- 
my, they have commonly been too late. They 
have seemed to yield to importunity rather than 
to sentiments of justice, or to a regard to the ac- 
commodation of their troops. An attention to 
this idea, is of more importance than it may be 
thought. I, who have seen all the workings and 
progress of the present discontents, am convinced, 
that a want of this has not been among the most 
inconsiderable causes. 

You will perceive, my dear Sir, this letter is 
hastily written, and with a confidential freedom : 
not as to a member of Congress, whose feelings 
may be sore at the prevailing clamours ; but as to 
a friend, who is in a situation to remedy public 
disorders; who Avishes for nothing so much as 
truth; and who is desirous of information, even 
from those less capable of judging than himself. 
I have not even time to correct and copy ; and only 
enough to add, that I am, very truly and affec- 
tionately, dear Sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 

A. Hamilton. 
VOL. I. 58 



458 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 



HAMILTON TO COLONEL LAURENS. 

[major ANDRE. j 



\,M'' 



September, 1780. 

Since my return from Hartford, my dear Lau- 
rens, my mind has been too little at ease to per- 
mit me to write to you sooner. It has been wholly 
occupied by the affecting and tragic consequences 
of Arnold's treason. My feelings were never put 
to so severe a trial. You will no doubt have 
heard the principal facts before this reaches you. 
But there are particulars, to which my situation 
gave me access, that cannot have come to your 
knowledge from public report, which I am per- 
suaded you will find interesting. 

From several circumstances, the project seems 
to have originated with Arnold himself, and to 
have been long premeditated. The first overture 
is traced back to some time in June last. It was 
conveyed in a letter to Colonel Robinson ; the 
substance of which was, that the ingratitude he 
had experienced from his country, concurring 
with other causes, had entirely changed his prin- 
ciples; that he now only sought to restore himself 
to the favour of his king, by some signal proof of 
his repentance ; and would be happy to open a cor- 
respondence with Sir Henry Clinton for that pur- 
pose. About this period, he made a journey to 
Connecticut : on his return from which to Phila- 
delphia, he solicited the command of West Point; 
alleging, that the effects of his wound had disqual- 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 459 

ified him for the active duties of the field. The 
sacrifice of this important post was the atonement 
he intended to make. General Washington hesi- 
tated the less to gratify an officer who had render- 
ed such eminent services, as he was convinced the 
post might be safely entrusted to one who had 
given so many distinguished specimens of his bra- 
very. In the beginning of August he joined the 
army and renewed his application. The enemy, 
at this juncture, had embarked the greatest part 
of their force on an expedition to Rhode Island ; 
and our army was in motion to compel them to re- 
linquish the enterprise, or to attack New York in 
its weakened state. The General offered Arnold 
the left wing of the army, which he declined, on 
the pretext already mentioned, but not without 
visible embarrassment. He certainly might have 
executed the duties of such a temporary com- 
mand ; and it was expected from his enterprising 
temper, that he would gladly have embraced so 
splendid an opportunity. But he did not choose to 
be diverted a moment from his favourite object ; 
probably from an apprehension, that some differ- 
ent disposition might have taken place, which 
would have excluded him. The extreme sohci- 
tude he discovered to get possession of the post, 
would have led to a suspicion of the treachery, 
had it been possible, from his past conduct, to 
have supposed him capable of it. 



460 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

The borrespondence thus begun, was carried on 
between Arnold and Major Andre, Adjutant-Gen- 
eral to the British army, in behalf of Sir Henry 
Clinton, under feigned signatures, and in a mer- 
cantile disguise. In an intercepted letter of Ar- 
nold's, which lately fell into our hands, he pro- 
poses an interview, " to settle the risks and profits 
of the copartnership;" and, in the same style of 
metaphor, intimates an expected augmentation of 
the garrison ; and speaks of it as the means of ex- 
tending their traffic. It appears, by another let- 
ter, that Andre was to have met him on the lines, 
under the sanction of a flag, in the character of 
Mr. John Anderson. But some cause, or other, 
not known, prevented this interview. 

The twentieth of last month, Robinson and 
Andre went up the river in the Vulture sloop-of- 
war. Robinson sent a flag to Arnold with two 
letters ; one to General Putnam, enclosed in ano- 
ther to himself; proposing an interview with Put- 
nam, or, in his absence, with Arnold, to adjust 
some private concerns. The one to General Put- 
nam, was evidently meant as a cover to the other, 
in case, by accident, the letters should have fallen 
under the inspection of a third person. 

General Washington crossed the river, on his 
way to Hartford, the day these despatches arrived. 
Arnold, conceiving he must have heard of the flag, 
thought it necessary, for the sake of appearances. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 461 

to submit the letters to him, and ask his opinion 
of the propriety of complying with the request. 
The General, with his usual caution, though with- 
out the least surmise of the design, dissuaded him 
from it, and advised him to reply to Robinson, that 
whatever related to his private affairs, must be of 
a civil nature, and could only properly be addres- 
sed to the civil authority. This reference fortu- 
nately deranged the plan ; and was the first link in 
the chain of events that led to the detection. 
The interview could no longer take place in the 
form of a flag, but was obliged to be managed 
in a secret manner. 

Arnold employed one Smith to go on board the 
Vulture the night of the twenty-second, to bring 
Andre on shore, with a pass for Mr. John Ander- 
son. Andre came ashore accordingly ; and was 
conducted within a picket of ours to the house 
of Smith, where Arnold and he remained together 
in close conference all that night and the day fol- 
lowing. At day light in the morning, the com- 
manding officer at King's Ferry, without the privi- 
ty of Arnold, moved a couple of pieces of cannon 
to a point opposite to where the Vulture lay, and 
obliged her to take a more remote station. This 
event, or some lurking distrust, made the boatmen 
refuse to convey the two passengers back, and dis- 
concerted Arnold so much, that by one of those 
strokes of infatuation which often confound the 



462 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

schemes of men conscious of guilt, he insisted on 
Andre's exchanging his uniform for a disguise, and 
returning in a mode different from that in which 
he came. Andre, who had been undesignedly 
brought within our posts in the first instance, 
remonstrated warmly against this new and dan- 
gerous expedient. But Arnold persisting in de- 
claring it impossible for him to return as he came, 
he at length reluctantly yielded to his direction, 
and consented to change his dress, and take the 
route he recommended. Smith furnished the dis- 
guise, and in the evening passed King's Ferry 
with him, and proceeded to Crompond, where they 
stopped the remainder of the night, at the instance 
of a militia officer, to avoid being suspected by 
him. The next morning they resumed their jour- 
ney. Smith accompanying Andre a little beyond 
Pine's Bridge, where he left him. He had reached 
Tarrytown, when he was taken up by three militia 
men, who rushed out of the w oods and seized his 
horse. 

At this critical moment, his presence of mind 
forsook him. Instead of producing his pass, which 
would have extricated him from our parties, and 
could have done him no harm with his own, he 
asked the militia men, if they were of the upper or 
lower party ; distinctive appellations known among 
the enemy's refugee corps. The militia men re- 
plied, they were of the lower party ; upon which 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 463 

he told them he was a British officer, and pressed 
them not to detain him, as he was upon urgent 
business. This confession removed all doubts; 
and it was in vain he afterwards produced his pass. 
He was instantly forced off to a place of greater 
security, where, after a careful search, there were 
found, concealed in the feet of his stockings, seve- 
ral papers of importance, delivered to him by 
Arnold ! Among these, were a plan of the forti- 
fications of West Point ; a memorial from the en- 
gineer on the attack and defence of the place ; re- 
turns of the garrison, cannon, and stores ; copy of 
the minutes of a council of war held by General 
Washington a few weeks before. The prisoner, 
at first, was inadvertently ordered to Arnold ; but 
on recollection, while still on the way, he was 
countermanded, and sent to Old Salem. The 
papers were enclosed in a letter to General Wash- 
ington, which, having taken a route different from 
that by which he returned, made a circuit that af- 
forded leisure for another letter, through an ill- 
judged delicacy, written to Arnold with informa- 
tion of Anderson's capture, to get to him an hour 
before General Washington arrived at his quar- 
ters ; time enough to elude the fate that awaited 
him. He went down the river in his barge to the 
Vulture with such precipitate confusion, that he did 
not take with him a single paper useful to the ene- 
my. On the first notice of the affair, he was pur- 
sued, but much too late to be overtaken. 



464 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

There was some colour for imagining it was a 
part of the plan to betray the General into the 
hands of the enemy. Arnold was very anxious to 
ascertain from him the precise day of his return ; 
and the enemy's movements seem to have corres- 
ponded to this point. But if it was realJy the 
case, it was very injudicious. The success must 
have depended on surprise ; and as the officers at 
the advanced posts were not in the secret, their 
measures might have given the alarm ; and Gene- 
ral Washington, taking the command of the post, 
might have rendered the whole scheme abortive. 
Arnold, it is true, had so dispersed the garrison, as 
to have made a defence difficult, but not impracti- 
cable ; and the acquisition of West Point was of 
such magnitude to the enemy, that it would have 
been unwise to connect it with any other object, 
however great, which might make the obtaining 
of it precarious. 

Arnold, a moment before his setting out, went 
into Mrs. Arnold's apartment, and informed her 
that some transactions had just come to light, 
which must for ever banish him from his country. 
She fell into a swoon at this declaration ; and he 
left her in it, to consult his own safety, till the 
servants, alarmed by her cries, came to her relief. 
She remained frantic all day ; accusing ev^ery one 
who approached her, with an intention to inurder 
her child (an infant in her arms) ; and exhibiting 
every other mark of the most genuine and ago- 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 465 

nizing distress. Exhausted by the fatigue and tu- 
mult of her spirits, her phrensy subsided toward 
evening, and she sank into all the sadness of af- 
fliction. It was impossible not to have been touch- 
ed with her situation. Everything affecting in fe- 
male tears, or in the misfortunes of beauty ; every- 
thing pathetic in the wounded tenderness of a 
wife, or in the apprehensive fondness of a mother ; 
and, till I have reason to change the opinion, I 
will add, everything amiable in suffering inno- 
cence ; conspired to make her an object of sym- 
pathy to all who were present. She experienced 
the most delicate attentions, and every friendly 
ofiice, till her departure for Philadelphia. 

Andre was, without loss of time, conducted to 
the Head Quarters of the army, where he was 
immediately brought before a Board of General 
Officers, to prevent all possibility of misrepresen- 
tation, or cavil, on the part of the enemy. The 
Board reported, that he ought to be considered as 
a Spy, and, according to the laws and usages of 
nations, to suffer death ; which was executed two 
days after. 

Never, perhaps, did any man suffer death with 
more justice, or deserve it less. The first step lie 
took, after his capture, was to write a letter to 
General Washington, conceived in terms of digni- 
ty without insolence, and apology without mean- 
ness, The scope of it, was to vindicate himself 

VOL. I. 59 



466 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

from the imputation of having assumed a mean 
character for treacherous or interested purposes ; 
asserting that he had been invohmtarily an impos- 
tor; that contrary to his intention, which was to 
meet a person for intelHgence on neutral ground, 
he had been betrayed within our posts, and forced 
into the vile condition of an enemy in disguise : 
soliciting only, that, to whatever rigour policy 
might devote him, a decency of treatment might 
be observed, due to a person, who, though unfor- 
tunate, had been guilty of nothing dishonourable. 
His request was granted in its full extent ; for, in 
the whole progress of the aifair, he was treated 
wath the most scrupulous delicacy. When brought 
before the Board of Officers, he met with every 
mark of indulgence, and was required to answer 
no interrogatory which could even embarrass his 
feelings. On his part, while he carefully concealed 
everything that might involve others, he frankly 
confessed all the facts relating to himself; and, 
upon his confession, without the trouble of exami- 
ning a witness, the Board made their Report. The 
members of it were not more impressed with the 
candour and firmness, mixed with a becoming 
sensibility, which he displayed, than he was pene- 
trated with their liberality and politeness. He 
acknowledged the generosity of the behaviour 
toward him in every respect, but particularly in 
this, in the strongest terms of manly gratitude. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 467 

111 a conversation with a gentleman who visited 
him after his trial, he said he flattered himself he 
had never been illiberal ; but if there were any 
remains of prejudice in his mind, his present ex- 
perience must obliterate them. 

In one of the visits I made to him (and I saw 
him several times during his confinement), he 
begged me to be the bearer of a request to the 
General, for permission to send an open letter to 
Sir Henry Clinton. " I foresee my fate," said he, 
*' and though I pretend not to play the hero, or 
to be indifferent about life ; yet I am reconciled 
to whatever may happen, conscious that misfor- 
tune, not guilt, has brought it upon me. There is 
only one thing that disturbs my tranquillity. Sir 
Henry Clinton has been too good to me ; he has 
been lavish of his kindness. I am bound to him 
by too many obligations, and love him too well, 
to bear the thought, that he should reproach him- 
self, or that others should reproach him, on the 
supposition of my having conceived myself obliged, 
by his instructions, to run the risk I did. I would 
not, for the world, leave a sting in his mind that 
should imbitter his future days." He could scarce 
finish the sentence, bursting into tears in spite of 
his efforts to suppress them; and with difficulty 
collected himself enough afterwards to add : " I 
wish to be permitted to assure him, I did 
not act under this impression, but submitted to 



468 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

a necessity imposed upon me, as contrary to my 
own inclination as to his orders." His request 
was readily complied with ; and he wrote the 
letter annexed, with which I dare say you will 
be as much pleased as I am, both for the diction 
and sentiment. 

When his sentence was announced to him, he 
remarked, that since it was his lot to die, there was 
still a choice in the mode, which would make a 
material difference in his feelings ; and he would 
be happy, if possible, to be indulged with a pro- 
fessional death. He made a second application, by 
letter, in concise but persuasive terms. It was 
thought this indulgence, being incompatible with 
the customs of war, could not be granted ; and it 
w^as therefore determined, in both cases, to evade 
an answer, to spare him the sensations which a cer- 
tain knowledge of the intended mode would inflict. 

In going to the place of execution, he bowed 
familiarly, as he went along, to all those with whom 
he had been acquainted in his confinement. A 
smile of complacency expressed the serene forti- 
tude of his mind. Arrived at the fatal spot, he 
asked, with some emotion, " Must I then die in 
this manner ?" He was told it had been unavoid- 
able. " I am reconciled to my fate," said he, 
*' but not to the mode.''' Soon, however, recollect- 
ing himself, he added: "It will be but a momen- 
tary pang ;" and, springing upon the cart, performed 



MILITARY CORRESrONDENCE. 469 

the last offices to himself, with a composure that 
excited the admiration, and melted the hearts of 
the beholders. Upon being told the final moment 
was at hand, and asked if he had anything to say, 
he answered, '' Nothing, but to request you will 
witness to the world, that I die like a brave man." 
Among the extraordinary circumstances that at- 
tended him, in the midst of his enemies, he died 
universally esteemed and universally regretted. 

There was something singularly interesting in 
the character and fortunes of Andre. To an ex- 
cellent understanding, well improved by education 
and travel, he united a peculiar elegance of mind 
and manners, and the advantage of a pleasing 
person. 'Tis said he possessed a pretty taste for 
the fine arts, and had himself attained some pro- 
ficiency in poetry, music, and painting. His 
knowledge appeared without ostentation, and 
embellished by a diffidence that rarely accompa- 
nies so many talents and accomplishments; which 
left you to suppose more than appeared. His sen- 
timents were elevated, and inspired esteem : they 
had a softness that conciliated affection. His elo- 
cution was handsome ; his address easy, polite, and 
insinuating. By his merit, he had acquired the 
unlimited confidence of his General, and was 
making a rapid progress in military rank and re- 
putation. But in the height of his career, flushed 
with new hopes from the execution of a project, 



470 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

the most beneficial to his party that could be 
devised, he was at once precipitated from the 
summit of prosperity, and saw all the expecta- 
tions of his ambition blasted, and himself ruined. 

The character I have given of him, is drawn 
partly from Avhat I saw of him myself, and partly 
from information. I am aware that a man of 
real merit is never seen in so favourable a light 
as through the medium of adversity : the clouds 
that surround him, are shades that set off his good 
qualities. Misfortune cuts down the little vanities 
that, in prosperous times, serve as so many spots 
in his virtues ; and gives a tone of humility that 
makes his worth more amiable. His spectators, 
who enjoy a happier lot, are less prone to detract 
from it, through envy, and are more disposed, by 
compassion, to give him the credit he deserves, 
and perhaps even to magnify it. 

I speak not of Andre's conduct in this affair as 
a philosopher, but as a man of the world. The 
authorized maxims and practices of war, are the 
satires of human nature. They countenance almost 
every species of seduction as well as violence ; and 
the General who can make most traitors in the 
army of his adversary, is frequently most ap- 
plauded. On this scale we acquit Andre; while 
we could not but condemn him, if we were to ex- 
amine his conduct by the sober rules of philosophy 
and moral rectitude. It is, however, a blemish on 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 471 

his fame, that he once intended to prostitute a 
flag : about this, a man of nice honour ought to 
have had a scruple ; but the temptation was great : 
let his misfortunes cast a veil over his errour. 

Several letters from Sir Henry Clinton and 
others, were received in the course of the affair, 
feebly attempting to prove, that Andre came out 
under the protection of a flag, with a passport from 
a general officer in actual service ; and conse- 
quently could not be justly detained. Clinton 
sent a deputation, composed of Lieutenant-Gene- 
ral Robinson, Mr. Elliot, and Mr. William Smith, 
to represent, as he said, the true state of Major 
Andre's case. General Greene met Robinson, 
and had a conversation with him; in which he 
reiterated the pretence of a flag ; urged Andre's 
release as a personal favour to Sir Henry Clinton ; 
and offered any friend of ours, in their power, in 
exchange. Nothing could have been more fri- 
volous than the plea which was used. The fact 
was, that beside the time, manner, object of the 
interview, change of dress, and other circumstan- 
ces, there was not a single formality customary 
with flags; and the passport was not to Major 
Andre, but to Mr. Anderson. But had there been, 
on the contrary, all the formalities, it would be an 
abuse of language to say, that the sanction of a 
flag for corrupting an oflicer to betray his trust, 
ought to be respected. So unjustifiable a purpose, 



472 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

would not only destroy its validity, but make it an 
aggravation. 

Andre, himself, lias answered the argument, by 
ridiculing and exploding the idea, in his exami- 
nation before the Board of Officers. It was a 
weakness to urge it. 

There was, in truth, no way of saving him. 
Arnold, or he, must have been the victim : the 
former was out of our power. 

It was by some suspected, Arnold had taken 
his measures in such a manner, that if the inter- 
view had been discovered in the act, it might 
have been in his power to sacrifice Andre to his 
own security. This surmise of double treachery, 
made them imagine Clinton might be induced to 
give up Arnold for Andre ; and a gentleman took 
occasion to suggest this expedient to the latter, as 
a thing that might be proposed by him. He de- 
clined it. The moment he had been capable of 
so much frailty, I should have ceased to esteem 
him. 

The infamy of Arnold's conduct previous to his 
desertion, is only equalled by his baseness since. 
Beside the folly of writing to Sir Henry Clinton, 
assuring him that Andre had acted under a pass- 
port from him, and according to his directions 
while commanding officer at a post; and that, 
therefore, he did not doubt, he would be imme- 
diately sent in; he had the effrontery to write to 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 473 

General Washington in tlie same spirit ; with the 
addition of a menace of retaliation, if the sentence 
should be carried into execution. He has since 
acted the farce of sending in his resignation. This 
man is, in every sense, despicable. Added to 
the scene of knavery and prostitution during his 
command in Philadelphia, which the late seizure 
of his papers has unfolded; the history of his 
command at West Point is a history of little, as 
well as great, villanies. He practised every dirty 
art of peculation ; and even stooped to connexions 
with the suttlers of the Garrison, to defraud the 
public. 

To his conduct, that of the captors of Andre 
forms a striking contrast. He tempted them with 
the offer of his watch, his horse, and any sum of 
money they should name. They rejected his of- 
fers with indignation : and the gold that could 
seduce a man high in the. esteem and confidence 
of his country, who had the remembrance of 
past exploits, the motives of present reputation 
and future glory, to prop his integrity, had no 
charms for three simple peasants, leaning only 
on their virtue and an honest sense of their 
duty. While Arnold is handed down, with exe- 
cration, to future times, posterity will repeat, with 
reverence, the names of Van Wart, Paulding, and 
Williams ! 

I congratulate you, my friend, on our happy es- 
voL. I. 60 



474 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

cape from the mischiefs with which this treason 
was bio-. It is a new comment on the vakie of an 
honest man, and, if it were possible, would endear 
you to me more than ever. Adieu, 

A. Hamilton. 



WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON. 

Rhode Island, September, 1780. 

Dear Hamilton: 

I shall be obliged to you for the'answer to the 
Address as soon as it is convenient to you. If we 
do not ride to the Point to see the fleet pass out, 
I am to have a conference with Count De Ro- 
chambeau and the Engineer directly after break- 
fast, at which I wish you to be present. 

I am, sincerely and affectionately, yours, 

G. Washington. 

Col. Hamilton. 



GENERAL SCHUYLER TO HAMILTON. 

Poughkeepsie, Sept. 10, 1780. 

My Dear Sir: 
I am very apprehensive the unhappy event, 
mentioned in your favour of the fifth instant, will 
draw very serious consequences in its train. It will 
certainly much embarrass us, and probably retard 
the termination of the war. It will, however, be 
attended with one good: the adherents, in Con- 
gress, to the gallant Commander, will not have it 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 475 

any longer in their power to play him off against 
the General. Gracious God ! that any rational 
being should put two men in competition, one of 
which has cortmianded an army, the other only 
been at the head of one : for I aver, that when he 
was to the northward, he never made a disposition 
of his troops. Indeed he was incapable : he never 
saw an enemy, except at a good distance, and 
from places of perfect security. Indeed, indeed, 
he has not lost a whit, in my estimation, by this 
stroke of his. 

Tlie General will have shown you extracts from 
the Senate and Assembly's Addresses to the Gover- 
nor. A Committee of both Houses is appointed to 
report on the proceedings of the Convention : they 
will certainly adopt and extend the views of that 
Convention. Some here are for appointing a Dicta- 
tor, with a Vice-Dictator in each State, invested 
with all the powers conferred formerly by the Ro- 
man people on theirs. I made great interest to be 
left out of the delegation, and obtained it, although 
not without much difficulty. General M'Dougal 
is appointed in my stead : but I believe I shall be 
obliged to go to the eastern Convention. If so, I 
shall not repair to Rhode Island so soon as I in- 
tended. 

Colonel Warner is wounded, and two of his 
officers killed near Fort Edward. 

Pray make my respects acceptable to the Gene- 



476 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

ral, to the gentlemen of the family, the Marquis, 
and those of his. Adieu. 

I am, dear Sir, 
Very affectionately and sincerly, 

Your most obedient Servant, 

Ph : Schuyler. 

I forgot to inform the General, that the Governor 
had sent him an extract of the proceedings of the 
Convention which I had promised to transmit. 



SCHUYLER TO HAMILTON. 

Poughkeepsie, September 16, 1780. 

Dear Sir : 

The great scarcity of wheat before harvest, 
and the drought since, has prevented the agent ap- 
pointed to collect the supply required from this 
State, to deliver it to the Issuing Commissary ; and 
we are at least ten thousand barrels in arrear ; the 
wheat for all which is already assessed, a conside- 
rable quantity of it brought to the mills to be 
manufactured, and the remainder daily collecting. 
Hence, unless a second drought should prevail, our 
deficiency can be made good in the course of a 
month : and this may be relied on. But should the 
army actually be in operation, I do not make a 
doubt but that the hand of Government will be 
laid on all in the country ; and, in that case, a con- 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 477 

stant supply can be kept up so as to complete to 
thirty tlioiisand barrels, and perhaps half as much 
more, should Congress order the quota of Pennsyl- 
vania (if she deigns to furnish any) to be sold, 
and the money transmitted to this State. Exclu- 
sive of the wheat already assessed to complete 
our quota of flour, the inhabitants of Tryon Coun- 
ty, and the western part of Albany, are thresh- 
ing. This the Legislature has ordered to be pur- 
chased for a State Magazine, should we not be able 
to purchase the whole. The whole may, however, 
be obtained, and without delay, if an operation 
takes place : to procure flour casks is the greatest 
difficulty. I wish those at West Point were or- 
dered to be immediately put in order : those, and 
an aid of bags, may be necessary. 

I have communed with the Governor on the sub- 
ject of M'Henry's wish. He is very much dis- 
posed to use his influence on the occasion, but 
doubts if he should be able to obtain a Lieutenan- 
cy, unless the Ensigns that now are, could all be 
provided for. If M'Henry merely wants military 
rank for the campaign, and will not accept of an 
Ensigncy, the Governor can, and will, give him a 
Lieutenant-Colonelcy in the State Levies, which 
will always give him rank in our militia, and, con- 
sequently, in the army, when the militia is in the 
field. But this must be determined before the 
Legislature rises. Please, therefore, to desire M' 



478 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

Henry to write me on the subject without delay^ 
and to assure him of the best services in my power. 

If I knew when you would be at Fishkill, if 
you pass that way, I would meet you there. Or if 
I believed it would not be disagreeable to the 
General, I would go to Hartford, as I wish to see 
the other Sachem. 

A spirit favourable to the common cause, has 
pervaded almost both Houses. They begin to talk 
of a Dictator and Vice-Dictators, as if it was a thing 
that was already determined on. To the Con- 
vention to be held at Hartford, I believe I shall 
be sent, with instructions to propose that a Dicta- 
tor should be appointed. 

I have just seen Van Schaick's whim. There is 
not one Lieutenancy vacant. 

I have had the enclosed several days with me, 
for want of a conveyance. Please to despatch 
the bearer as expeditiously back as you can. 
Compliments to all. 

I am, dear Sir, affectionately yours, etc., 

Ph : Schuyler. 

Colonel Hamilton. 



HAMILTON TO MISS SCHUYLER. 

Septemper 25, 1780. 

Arnold, hearing of the plot being detected, im- 
mediately fled to the enemy. I went in pursuit 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 479 

of him, but was much too late ; and could hardly 
regret the disappointment, when, on my return, 
I saw an amiable woman, frantic with distress for 
the loss of a husband she tenderly loved ; a trai- 
tor to his country and to his fame ; a disgrace to 
his connexions : it was the most affecting scene I 
ever was witness to. She, for a considerable time, 
entirely lost herself The General went up to 
see her, and she upbraided him with being in a plot 
to murder her child. One moment she raved, ano- 
ther she melted into tears. Sometimes she press- 
ed her infant to her bosom, and lamented its fate, 
occasioned by the imprudence of its father, in a 
manner that would have pierced insensibility itself. 
All the sweetness of beauty, all the loveliness of 
innocence, all the tenderness of a wife, and all 
the fondness of a mother, showed themselves in 
her appearance and conduct. We have every 
reason to believe, that she was entirely unac- 
quainted with the plan, and that the first know- 
ledge of it, was when Arnold went to tell her he 
must banish himself from his country and from her 
for ever. She instantly fell into a convulsion, and 
he left her in that situation. 

This morning she is more composed. I paid 
her a visit, and endeavoured to soothe her by every 
method in my power ; though you may imagine 
she is not easily to be consoled. Added to her 
other distresses, she is very apprehensive the re- 



480 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

sentment of her country will fall upon her (who is 
only unfortunate) for the guilt of her husband. 

I have tried to persuade her that her fears are 
ill founded; but she will not be convinced. She 
received us in bed, with every circumstance that 
would interest our sympathy : and her sufferings 
were so eloquent, that I wished myself her bro- 
ther, to have a right to become her defender. As 
it is, I have entreated her to enable me to give 
her proofs of my friendship. Could I forgive 
Arnold for sacrificing his honour, reputation, and 
duty, I could not forgive him for acting a part that 
must have forfeited the esteem of so fine a woman. 
At present she almost forgets his crime in his mis- 
fortunes ; and her horror at the guilt of the traitor, 
is lost in her love of the man. But a virtuous 
mind cannot long esteem a base one ; and time will 
make her despise if it cannot make her hate. 

A. Hamilton. 



HAMILTON TO MISS SCHUYLER. 

Tappan, Oct. 2, 1780. 

Poor Andre suffers to-day. Everything that is 
amiable in virtue, in fortitude, in delicate senti- 
ment, and accomplished manners, pleads for 
him : but hard-hearted policy calls for a sacrifice. 

He must die . I send you my account of 

Arnold's affair ; and to justify myself to your senti- 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 4S1 

ments, I must inform you, that I urged a compli- 
ance with Andre's request to be shot ; and I do 
not think it would have had an ill effect: but some 
people are only sensible to motives of policy, and 
sometimes, from a narrow disposition, mistake it. 

When Andre's tale comes to be told, and pre- 
sent resentment is over ; the refusing him the pri- 
vilege of choosing the manner of his death will be 
branded with too much obstinacy. 

It was proposed to me to suggest to him the idea 
of an exchange for Arnold ; but I knew I should 
have forfeited his esteem by doing it, and there- 
fore declined it. As a man of honour he coidd 
not but reject it; and I would not for the world 
have proposed to him a thing which must have 
placed me in the unamiable light of supposing him 
capable of meanness, or of not feeling myself the 
impropriety of the measure. I confess to you, I 
had the weakness to value the esteem of a dying 
man, because I reverenced his merit. 

A. Hamilton. 



SCHUYLER TO HAMILTON. 

Albany, October 10, 17S0. 

My Dear Sir : 

I am still confined to my room, but believe my 
disorder has taken a favourable turn, and that I 
shall soon be tolerably restored. 

VOL. I. 61 



482 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

Colonel Van Schaick informs me that he is 
ordered down with his regiment. We are so sadly 
off here for directors^ that I most sincerely wish he 
had been permitted to remain here : his deafness 
will render him little serviceable with his regi- 
ment. 

I am informed that some people have recom- 
mended, or intend to recommend, to the General, 
to evacuate Fort Schuyler. I hope it will not take 
place, as the enemy would immediately occupy 
the ground, and make it a receptacle for Indians 
and tories, from whence to pour destruction on 
the country. A certain Lieutenant Laird, of the 
militia, wlio was carried off, or went off voluntarily, 
with Sir John Johnson, when last in the country, 
is returned, and advises that about two thousand 
men were collected at St. John's to make separate 
attacks on the Grants, Saratoga, and the Mohawk 
river. If this be true, it was probably intended 
as a co-operating plan, if Sir Harry had come up 
the river. An Express is this moment arrived, an- 
nouncing that about five hundred men of the 
enemy are arrived at the Canajoharie Falls. If this 
should be confirmed, I shall venture to advise Van 
Schaick to detain his regiment, and hope it will 
meet the General's approbation. It is said the 
enemy are fortifying at Oswego. I hope the Gar- 
rison for that place will be speedily sent up. 

When do you intend to be here ? Who will 



3IILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 483 

accompany you ? Is it probable the General will 
pay us a visit in winter ? I most earnestly wish 
it. Will you make my excuses to the Marquis for 
my not writing him : the Doctor will not permit 
me ; but what is worse, I really have not strength 
as yet. Entreat the General to accept of my best 
wishes: the family share in them. Adieu, my 
dear Sir. I am, affectionately. 

Yours, etc., etc., 
Ph : Schuyler. 
Colonel Hamilton. 



HAMILTON TO ISAAC SEARS. 

Boston, October 12, 1780. 

I was much obliged to you, my dear Sir, for the 
letter which you did me the favour to write me 
since your return to Boston. I am sorry to find 
that the same spirit of indifference to public af- 
fairs prevails. It is necessary we should rouse, 
and begin to do our business in earnest, or we 
shall play a losing game. It is impossible the con- 
test can be much longer supported on the present 
footing. We must have a Government with more 
power. We must have a tax in kind. We must 
have a foreign loan. We must have a Bank, on 
the true principles of a Bank. We must have an 
Administration distinct from Congress, and in the 
hands of single men under their orders. We 



484 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

must, above all things, have an army for the war, 
and an establishment that will interest the offi- 
cers in the service. 

Congress are deliberating on our military af- 
fairs : but I apprehend their Resolutions will be 
tinctured with the old spirit. We seem to be 
proof against experience. They will, however, 
recommend an army for the war, at least as a pri- 
mary object. All those who love their country, 
ought to exert their influence in the States where 
they reside, to determine them to take up this ob- 
ject with energy. The States must sink under 
the burden of temporary enlistments; and the 
enemy will conquer us by degress during the in- 
tervals of our weakness. 

Clinton is now said to be making a considera- 
ble detachment to the southward. My fears are 
high, my hopes low. We are told here, there 
is to be a Congress of the neutral powers at the 
Hague, for mediating of peace. God send it may 
be true. We want it : but if the idea goes abroad, 
ten to one if we do not fancy the thing done, and 
fall into a profound sleep till the cannon of the 
enemy awaken us next campaign. This is our na- 
tional character. 

I am, with great regard, dear Sir, 

Your most obedient servant, 

A. Hamilton. 



MILITARY CORRESrONDENCE. 485 

HARRISON TO HAMILTON. 

October 27, 1780. 

My Dear Hamilton: 

We are only leaving Philadelphia. The most 
flattering attentions have been paid to Meade and 
myself, and such as would not permit us to pro- 
gress before, unless we had shown ourselves en- 
tirely disregardless of the great world. Besides, 
motives of a public nature concurred to make us 
stay thus long. From all I have seen and heard, 
there is a good disposition in Congress to do all 
they can for the army and the public interest ; and 
there are many very sensible men among them. 
In general, they are most warmly attached to the 
General ; and his recommendations will have their 
weight while the same spirit prevails. It is said, 
there has been infinitely more harmony among 
them for some time past, than has appeared since 
the first years of their appointment. I am not, 
however, without some apprehension, that if they 
proceed in the case of Lee, etc., the monster 
(party), may show itself again, and that we may 
have a second edition of the measures adopted in 
the instance of Deane. Our friends Sullivan and 
Carroll have been of great service : and gentle- 
men who are, or pretend to be, in the secrets of 
the cabinet, say they have contributed immeasura- 
bly, by their independent conduct, to destroy the 



486 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

EASTERN ALLIANCE. Blaiid is Very clever, and 
without question wishes to push on in the true 
and right road. Grayson says this is the best 
Congress w^e have had since the first. Our dear 
Laurens respects many of the members : and 
General Greene's appointment, I believe, is en- 
tirely consonant to the wishes of Congress in gene- 
ral, though Ave have heard there were members 
much disposed, if facts had not been so obstinate, 
to excuse General Gates. The former is here, 
and I suppose will set out in a day or two. Meade 
and I will serve him all we can. We have done 
what we could already. Apropos, you delivered 
him my letter. Our finances are entirely deranged, 
and there is little or no money in the treasury. 
I believe they are a subject of much consideration 
and puzzlement. The supplies of the army are also 
matters of present attention, but I do n't know 
what will be done. I hope we shall, by Christ- 
mas, have some clothing from the West Indies, if 
the moth have not destroyed it : a quantity, it is 
said, has been lying there. It is much to be wished 
that General Greene were at the South. The 
delegates from that quarter think the situation of 
Cornwallis delicate, and that by management, and 
a proper application and use of the force there, 
the late check given Furguson might be improved 
into the Earl's total defeat. This, I fear, is too 
much even to hope. The sending the Baron is 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 487 

considered, as far as I have heard, perfectly right, 
and Lee's corps give great satisfaction. I am just 
about to mount my horse, and therefore shall say 
but little more. Laurens will write unto you in 
a few days, I suppose, and communicate any new 
occurrences. My love to the lads of the family. 
The same to you. May you be long happy. My 
most respectful compliments to the General. 
Most truly and affectionately, 

Rob. H. Harrison. 
P. S. The Board have been absolutely too poor 
to procure parchment for the many promotions that 
have been required. 



HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON. 

November 22, 1780. 

Dear Sir : 

Some time last fall, when I spoke to your Ex- 
cellency about going to the southward, I explained 
to you candidly my feelings with respect to mih- 
tary reputation; and how much it was my object 
to act a conspicuous part in some enterprise, that 
might perhaps raise my character as a soldier above 
mediocrity. You were so good as to say, you would 
be clad to furnish me with an occasion. When 
the expedition to Staten Island was afoot, a favour- 
able one seemed to offer. There was a battalion 
without a Field officer, the command of which, I 



488 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

thought, as it was accidental, might be given to 
me without inconvenience. I made an apphcation 
for it through the Marquis, who informed me of your 
refusal on two principles : one, that the giving me a 
whole battalion might be a subject of dissatisfac- 
tion ; the other, that if any accident should happen 
to me in the present state of your family, you 
would be embarrassed for the necessary assistance. 
The project you now have in contemplation 
affords another opportunity. I have a variety of 
reasons, that press me to desire ardently to have 
it in my power to improve it. I take the liberty 
to observe, that the command may now be pro- 
portioned to my rank ; and that the second objec- 
tion ceases to operate, as, during the period of 
establishing our winter quarters, there will be a 
suspension of material business : besides which, 
my peculiar situation will, in any case, call me 
away from the army in a few days, and Mr. Har- 
rison may be expected back early next month. My 
command may consist of one hundred and fifty or 
two hundred men, composed of fifty men of Major 
Gibbes' corps, fifty from Colonel Meigs' regiment, 
and fifty or a hundred more from the light infan- 
try : Major Gibbes to be my Major. The hundred 
men from here may move on Friday morning to- 
wards , which will strengthen the appearances 

for Staten Island, to form a junction on the other 
side of the Passaic. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 489 

I suggest this mode, to avoid the complaints 
that might arise from composing my party wholly 
of the Light Infantry, which might give umbrage 
to the officers of that corps, who, on this plan, can 
have no just subject for it. 

The primary idea may be, if circumstances per- 
mit, to attempt with my detachment Byard's Hill. 
Should we arrive early enough to undertake it, I 
should prefer it to anything else, both for the bril- 
liancy of the attempt in itself, and the decisive 
consequences of which its success would be pro- 
ductive. If we arrive too late to make this elig:!- 
ble (as there is reason to apprehend), my corps 
may form the van of one of the other attacks, and 
Byard's Hill will be a pretext for my being em- 
ployed in the affair, on a supposition of my know- 
ing the ground, which is partly true. I flatter 
myself, also, that my military character stands so 
well in the army, as to reconcile the officers, in 
general, to the measure. All circumstances con- 
sidered, I venture to say, any exceptions which 
might be taken, would be unreasonable. 

I take this method of making the request, to 
avoid the embarrassment of a personal explanation. 
I shall only add, that however much I have the 
matter at heart, I wish your Excellency entirely to 
consult your own inclination, and not, from a dis- 
position to oblige mc, to do anything that may 
be disagreeable to you. It ^vill, nevertheless, 

VOL. I. 62 



490 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

make me singularly happy if your wishes corres- 
pond with mine. 



LA FAYETTE TO HAMILTON. 

Paramus, November 28, 1780. 

Dear Hamilton: 

Here I arrived last night, and am going to set out 
for Philadelphia. Gouvion goes straight to New 
Windsor, and by him I write to the General. I 
speak of Hand and Smith, whom I recommend, 
and add: "If, however, you were to cast your eye 
on a man, who, I think, w^ould suit better than 
any otlier in the world, Hamilton is, I confess, the 
officer whom I would like best to see in my 
*****." Then I go on with the idea, that, 
at equal advantages, you deserve from him the 
preference ; that your advantages are the great- 
est ; I speak of a co-operation ; of your being in 
the family; and conclude, that on every public 
and private account I advise him to take you. 

I know the General's friendship and gratitude 
for you, my dear Hamilton : both are greater than 
you perhaps imagine. I am sure he needs only to 
be told that something will suit you, and when he 
thinks he can do it he certainly will. Before this 
campaign I was your friend, and very intimate 
friend, agreeably to the ideas of the world. Since 
my second voyage, my sentiment has increased to 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 491 

such a point the world knows nothing about. To 
show both, from want and from scorn of expres- 
sions, I shall only tell you — Adieu. Yours, 

La Fayette, 



LA FAYETTE TO HAMILTON. 

Philadelphia, December 9, 1780. 

Dear Hamilton : 
On my arrival at Paramus, I wrote a letter to 
the General, which Colonel Gouvion was to de- 
liver to himself at New Windsor; so that more 
expedition had been made than you had thought. 
But the General having unfortunately altered his 
mind, and taken the road to Morristown, another 
misfortune threw Hand in his way ; and remem- 
bering your advice on the occasion, he hastened 
to make him the proposition, and in consequence 
of it wrote his letter to Congress. From Para- 
mus I went myself to the Lots, and from thence 
to Morristown, where I met the General; and 
knowing tliat my letter could not reach him under 
some days, I became regardless of your wishes, 
and made a verbal application in my own name, 
and about the same time that had been settled 
between us. I can't express to you, my dear 
friend, how sorry and disappointed I felt, when I 
knew from him, the General, that (greatly in con- 
sequence of your advice) he had settled the 
whole matter with Hand, and written for him to 



492 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

Congress. I confess I became warmer on the oc- 
casion than you would perhaps have wished me to 
be ; and I wanted the General to allow my send- 
ing an Express, who would have overtaken the 
letter, as it was in the hands of General St. Clair : 
but the General did not think it to be a conve- 
nient measure ; and, I confess, I may have been a 
little blinded on its propriety. I took care not to 
compromise you in this aifair, when the General 
expressed a desire to serve you, and in a manner 
you would have been satisfied with. Now for the 
voyage to France. 

Congress seem resolved that an Envoy he sent 
in the ivaij you wish, and this was yesterday de- 
termined in the House. Next Monday the gen- 
tleman will be elected. I have already spoken 
to many members. I know of a number of voices 
that will be for you. This day, and that of to- 
morrow, will be by me employed in paying visits. 
As soon as the business is fixed upon, I shall send 
you an Express. I think you ought to hold your- 
self in readiness, and in case you are called for, 
come with all possible speed ; for you must go 
immediately, that you may have returned before 
the beginning of operations. If you go, my dear 
Sir, I shall give you all public or private know- 
ledge about Europe I am possessed of Besides 
many private letters, that may introduce you to 
my friends, I intend giving you the key of the 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 493 

cabinet, as well as of the societies which influ- 
ence them. In a word, my good friend, anything 
in my power shall be entirely yours. 



HAMILTON TO WASHINGTON. 

Albany, Dec. 9, 17S0. 

Dear Sir : 

Mr. Rensselaer, who has the direction of the 
Armory here, tells me that the Board of War write 
him, they are unable to support it any longer on 
the present establishment for want of supplies, 
and propose to him to endeavour to have it car- 
ried on by contract. This he declares is impos- 
sible. The Armory must either continue on the 
present footing or cease. As far as I understand 
the matter, there is no objection to the terms in 
themselves, but a want of means to comply with 
them. If there is a want of means, the thing 
must be relinquished ; but as it does not strike me 
that it can be more difficult to maintain an Armory 
here than elsewhere ; and as I apprehend, in the 
present state of our Arsenals, we shall stand in 
need of all the repairing we can do ; I take the 
liberty, at Mr. Rensselaer's request, to mention the 
matter to you. I have seen the Armory myself 
It appears to be in excellent order, and under a 
very ingenious and industrious man. I am told it 



494 MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

has been conducted hitherto with great activi- 
ty. Its situation is, in my opinion, advantage- 
ous. As there is a considerable body of troops 
always at West Point, and the army generally in 
its vicinity, the river is very convenient for trans- 
portation to and from the Armory ; and, I should 
think, would be conducive to economy. This 
consideration strikes me as of importance. Gene- 
ral Knox, however, will be the best judge of the 
usefulness of this Armory. 

Mr. Rensselaer also mentions a considerable 
number of hides in the hands of persons here who 
had had orders from the Clothier-General not to 
dispose of them but by his order. He says he can 
no longer, but with great difficulty, procure leather 
for the public works on credit ; and has requested 
me to mention this also to your Excellency. 

Mrs. Hamilton presents her respectful compli- 
ments to Mrs. Washington and yourself. After 
the holidays we shall be at Head Quarters. 

I believe I imparted to you General Schuyler's 
wish that you could make it convenient to pay a 
visit with Mrs. Washington this winter. He and 
Mrs. Schuyler have several times repeated their 
inquiries and wishes. I have told them I was 
afraid your business would not permit you : if it 
should, I shall be happy. You will enable me to 
let them know about what period it will suit. 



MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 495 

When the sleighmg arrives, it will be an affair of 
two days up and two days down. I have, etc., 

A. Hamilton. 



WASHINGTON TO HAMILTON. 

New Windsor, Dec. 27, 1780. 

Dear Hamilton : 

Your letter of the 19th came safe by the Doctor, 
wiio set out this morning for Philadelphia. 

I had, previous to the receipt of it, and without 
knowing that the Board of War had given any 
direction respecting the Armory at Albany, re- 
quested the Governor to exempt (if he could do so 
with propriety) the citizens who were employed in 
it, from military services in cases of alarm ; and 
had written to General Clinton to direct the 
Quarter-Master to afford every assistance in his 
power to have the work repaired, and the busi- 
ness, as far as depended upon him, accellerated. I 
have now given order for delivery of such hides as 
Mr. Rensselaer shall find ahsolutely necessary for 
the use of the Armory. 

Although a trip to Albany, on more accounts 
than one, would be perfectly agreeable to my 
wishes, I am so far from having it in my power, at 
this time, to fix a period for this gratification of 
them, that I have but small hope of accomplishing 
it at all this winter. There are some matters in 
suspense which may make a journey to Rhode 



49G MILITARY CORRESPONDENCE. 

Island necessary ; but as the subject is not fit for a 
letter, I shall withhold the communication till I 
see you. 

A second embarkation has taken place at New 
York. The strength of the detachment, or its des- 
tination, are vaguely reported ; and no certainty 
under whose command it goes. Arnold is said to 
be of it ; from whence the connexions conclude 
that New Haven or New London must infallibly be 
the object, while more rational conjecturers send 
it to the southward, from whence no late accounts 
have been received. 

Mrs. Washington most cordially joins me in 
compliments of congratulation to Mrs. Hamilton 
and yourself, on the late happy event of your mar- 
riage, and in wishes to see you both at Head Quar- 
ters. We beg of you to present our respectful 
compliments to General Schuyler, his lady and 
family, and offer them strong assurances of the 
pleasure we should feel at seeing them at New 
Windsor. 

With much truth, and great personal regard, 
I am, dear Hamilton, 
Your affectionate friend and servant, 

G. Washington. 



END OF VOLUME ONE. 

r% -0 '-'^ 



